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  1. The End of the Party: How Fianna Fail Finally Lost Its Grip on Power
  2. The End of the Party: How Fianna Fail Finally Lost Its Grip on Power by Bruce Arnold
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Learning will be student-centred and scaffolded towards greater independent study in the latter part of the module. Students will be required to engage in active collaborative learning in both lectures and seminars through group-work discussion on set tasks. The aim is to provide students with the opportunity to construct informed understandings of the nature and extent of democratic crisis today and the role political parties - including a number of selected case studies - play in this crisis. A key focus will be placed on developing analytical skills through engagement with a variety of sources and academic texts relating to the subject area.

There will be a requirement for independent study in terms of seminar preparation and the assessments which is calculated in the suggested notional hours below. The audio-visual presentation will provide the opportunity to practice important transferable skills including presentation skills, collecting and synthesizing information, using IT, and oral reasoning skills.

The case study will provide students with the opportunity to demonstrate skills in independent research, critical analysis, writing, referencing and working autonomously. Virtual Campus : Provided viable student numbers permit. At the end of this module the student will be able to: L1. Explain the theory and institutions of liberal democracy and the democratic functions assigned to political parties; L2.

Analyze the debates on the current crisis of liberal democracy and the role of political parties in this crisis; L3. During completion of this module, there will be an opportunity to achieve core skills in:. SCQF Level 9. Before undertaking this module the student should have undertaken the following:. Student contact will primarily take place through a series of interactive lectures and seminar classes.

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Learning Activities During completion of this module, the learning activities undertaken to achieve the module learning outcomes are stated below:. Student Learning Hours Normally totalling hours : Note: Learning hours include both contact hours and hours spent on other learning activities. The following materials form essential underpinning for the module content and ultimately for the learning outcomes: Alonso, S.

Keane, J. Cambridge: CUP. Arnold, B. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, Dalton, R. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Cardiff: Welsh Academic press. Stoker, G. Basingstoke: Palgrave. Part II. Note s : More than one assessment method can be used to assess individual learning outcomes. Schools are responsible for determining student contact hours. Please refer to University Policy on contact hours extract contained within section 10 of the Module Descriptor guidance note. Aligned with the overall commitment to equality and diversity stated in the Programme Specifications, the module supports equality of opportunity for students from all backgrounds and with different learning needs.

Using Moodle, learning materials will be presented electronically in formats that allow flexible access and manipulation of content. It is not for nothing that he is known in the South as "Honest Jack". I do not know many other politicians who have that little prefix put in front of their names. Shortly after Lynch's election victory, tensions in Northern Ireland finally spilled over and " The Troubles " began.

The sight of refugees from the North teeming across the border turned public opinion in the Republic. It is clear now that the present situation cannot be allowed to continue. It is evident also that the Stormont government is no longer in control of the situation. Indeed, the present situation is the inevitable outcome of the policies pursued for decades by successive Stormont governments. It is clear also that the Irish Government can no longer stand by and see innocent people injured and perhaps worse. It is obvious that the RUC is no longer accepted as an impartial police force.

The End of the Party: How Fianna Fail Finally Lost Its Grip on Power

Neither would the employment of British troops be acceptable nor would they be likely to restore peaceful conditions, certainly not in the long term. We have also asked the British Government to see to it that police attacks on the people of Derry should cease immediately. Very many people have been injured and some of them seriously. We know that many of these do not wish to be treated in Six County hospitals. We have, therefore, directed the Irish Army authorities to have field hospitals established in County Donegal adjacent to Derry and at other points along the Border where they may be necessary.

Recognising, however, that the re-unification of the national territory can provide the only permanent solution for the problem, it is our intention to request the British Government to enter into early negotiations with the Irish Government to review the present constitutional position of the Six Counties of Northern Ireland. Lynch's statement that the Irish Government could "no longer stand by" was interpreted by some Unionists in Northern Ireland as hinting at military intervention and was misquoted as a promise not to "stand idly by".

A minority of ministers — two, according to Desmond O'Malley — would have favoured such a course, but the Irish Army was completely unprepared for an operation of this kind. The majority of the cabinet opposed military intervention, and Lynch took no such action, though he commissioned a study named Exercise Armageddon.

As the violence continued, the Minister for External Affairs, Patrick Hillery , met the British Foreign Secretary and also went to the United Nations in a plea to send a peacekeeping force to the North and to highlight the Irish government's case. However, little else was achieved from these meetings other than media coverage of the activities in the north.

The situation in Northern Ireland continued to deteriorate during Lynch's first term. Bloody Sunday 30 January , saw the killing of 14 unarmed civilians by British paratroopers and a backlash of anti-British feeling in all parts of Ireland, including the burning of the British Embassy in Dublin. Despite the strains in relations between the United Kingdom and Ireland in the wake of those events, the then British Ambassador, Sir John Peck , praised Lynch, of whom he said "all those concerned with, and committed to, peace with justice in the North owe a very great deal to his courage and tenacity", adding that "I do not think that I ever succeeded in convincing British politicians of how much we owed him at that stage, or what the consequences would have been if he had lost his head".

It is now believed that Lynch was aware of these activities, and acted only when his hand was forced when the Garda Special Branch informed the leader of the opposition and threatened to go to the media. One of the high points of Lynch's first term as Taoiseach, and possibly one of the most important events in modern Irish history, was Ireland's entry into the European Economic Community.

Lynch personally steered the application for membership. Membership was accepted by a five to one majority in a referendum. Ireland officially joined, along with its nearest neighbour, the United Kingdom and Denmark, on 1 January Patrick Hillery became Ireland's first European Commissioner. In appointing Hillery Europe was gaining one of Ireland's most experienced politicians, while on the other hand Lynch was losing one of his staunchest allies.

Lynch's first term as Taoiseach also witnessed various reforms in areas such as welfare and education. In , a redundancy payments scheme was introduced, and in , various improvements in welfare provision for women were introduced. Maternity insurance was extended to all female employees, a social insurance benefit for deserted wives was introduced, a means-tested allowance for unmarried mothers was established, and an earnings-related component was added to the basic flat-rate maternity benefit. Lynch's government was expected to collapse following the Arms Crisis; however, it survived until Lynch had wanted to call the general election for the end of , however, events had conspired against him and the date was set for February Liam Cosgrave was elected Taoiseach and Lynch found himself on the opposition benches for the first time in sixteen years.

However, Lynch's popularity remained steadfast, so much so that during his tenure as Leader of the Opposition he was frequently referred to as "the Real Taoiseach. Lynch had some success while out of power. There was much media criticism of Lynch for this move. Liam Cosgrave refused to sack his Minister and the government's popularity took a downturn.

In the government, although reasonably unpopular, felt sure of an election victory and June date for the poll was fixed. In what became known as the Tullymander a pun on the word gerrymander he re-drew every constituency in Ireland as he had authority to do , apparently favouring Fine Gael and Labour Party candidates.

Lynch himself received the biggest personal vote in the state. Although the large parliamentary majority seemed to restore Lynch as an electoral asset, the fact that the party was returned with an enormous vote allowed Lynch to be undermined by many new TDs who were not loyal to Lynch and wanted him removed.

The date of January was in his mind as a retirement date, however nothing had been made definite. It was during this time, due to a combination of a large parliamentary majority and the search for a new leader, when party discipline began to break down. These measures included the abolition of car tax, rates on houses and a number of other vote-winning "sweeteners. The government abolished domestic rates on houses and unemployment fell from , to 90, between and , however other actions that were taken were not so productive.

In the Irish economy recorded the biggest deficit for an advanced country at The year saw the first open revolt in party discipline. Although the levy was widely popular with the electorate, Colley was forced into a humiliating climbdown at the behest of the backbenchers and the authority of the government was shaken — particularly when the levy withdrawal was met with mass protests. The legislation proposed that only married people with a prescription could be dispensed contraception and was described as " an Irish solution to an Irish problem ".

Jim Gibbons , who was a devout Catholic and had a deep hatred of Haughey, failed to turn up and vote for this important legislation. As well as this, a group of backbench TDs began to lobby other TDs in support of Charles Haughey, should a leadership election arise. A five-month postal strike also led to deep anger amongst people all over the country.

A radical security review and greater cross-border co-operation were discussed with the new British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher. In November, just before Lynch departed on a visit to the United States he decided that he would resign at the end of the year. This would allow him to complete his term as President of the European Community. Afterwards Loughnane went public with the details of the meeting and accused Lynch of deliberately misleading the party.

An attempt to remove the whip from Loughnane failed. At this stage Lynch's position had become untenable, with supporters of Haughey caucusing opinion within the party. George Colley , the man whom Lynch saw as his successor, went to him and encouraged him to resign sooner. Colley was convinced that he had enough support to defeat the other likely candidate, Charles Haughey , and that Lynch should resign early to catch his opponents on the hop. However, Haughey and his supporters had been preparing for months to take over the leadership and Lynch's resignation came as no surprise.

He narrowly defeated Colley in the leadership contest and succeeded Lynch as Taoiseach. Following Lynch's retirement from politics the offers from various companies flooded in. He became a director on the boards of a number of companies, including Irish Distillers , Smurfit and Hibernian Insurance. He also embarked on a good deal of foreign travel. He was conferred with the freedom of his own native Cork city.

Lynch also declined to accept nominations to become President of Ireland , a position he had little interest in. In he suffered a severe health set-back, and in suffered a stroke in which he nearly lost his sight. He continued to be honoured by, among others, the Gaelic Athletic Association and various other organisations.

How Fianna Fáil Finally Lost its Grip on Power

A plaque was also erected at his birthplace in Blackpool. The coffin was then flown from Dublin to Cork where a procession through the streets of the city drew some of the biggest crowds in the city's history. After the Requiem Mass celebrated in his home parish of the Cathedral of St Mary and St Anne , Lynch's friend and political ally, Desmond O'Malley , delivered the graveside oration, paying tribute to Lynch's sense of decency.

He is buried in St Finbarr's Cemetery in Cork city. As a sportsman Lynch earned a reputation for decency and fair play, characteristics he brought to political life. Accessed 17 July From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other people named Jack Lynch, see Jack Lynch disambiguation.

This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Frank Aiken Erskine H. Christian Brothers, Cork North Monastery. Main article: The Troubles. Jack Lynch".

Oireachtas Members Database. Retrieved 1 June Ryle Haughey's Forty Years of Controversy. Cork: Mercier.

The End of the Party: How Fianna Fail Finally Lost Its Grip on Power by Bruce Arnold

Retrieved 11 July Retrieved 2 November Retrieved 27 December Walter de Gruyter. Retrieved 2 November — via Google Books. Jack Lynch navigational boxes. Taoisigh of Ireland. Previous offices under earlier constitutions. Michael Collins W. Irish Leaders of the Opposition. Cosgrave Thomas F. De Valera Cabinet — Lemass Cabinet — Lynch Cabinet — Taoiseach : Jack Lynch.

Presidents of the European Council. Herman Van Rompuy Donald Tusk. Ministers for Finance of Ireland. Ministers for Education of Ireland. John J. Party structures. Barry Andrews Billy Kelleher. Liberal International observer. Buttimer 2 W. Murphy 3 B. Thornhill 4 A. Lotty 5 W. Campbell 6 C.

Cottrell 7 D. Buckley 8 J. Barrett 9 J. Lynch 10 C. Ring 11 C. Buckley c 12 J. Young 13 J. Quirke 14 T. O'Sullivan 15 M. Brennan Subs used 16 P. O'Donovan for J. Lynch 17 J. Ryng for M. Brennan Subs not used 18 T. Slattery 19 D. McCarthy 20 D. Beckett Trainer J. Barry Selectors S. McCarthy P. Collins D. Barry-Murphy S. Porter 2 W.

Thornhill 4 C.


Murphy 5 A. Lotty 6 D. Buckley 7 J. Young 8 J. Lynch c 9 P. O'Donovan 10 C. Ring 11 S. Condon 12 M. Kennefick 13 C. Tobin 14 J. Quirke 15 D. Beckett Sub used 16 J. Buttimer for N. Porter Subs not used 17 C. Cottrell 18 J. Buckley 19 J. O'Neill 20 B. O'Regan Trainer J. Barry Selectors J.

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Mulcahy 2 W. Lynch 9 C. Cottrell 10 S.

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Condon 11 C. Ring 12 M. Kennefick c 13 J. O'Donovan for S. Condon 18 B. Murphy for T. O'Sullivan Subs not used 17 J. O'Sullivan 19 P. Hayes 20 P. Healy Trainer J. McCarthy W. Walsh D. Barry-Murphy D. Thornhill 4 D. Buckley 5 P. O'Donovan 6 C. Murphy 7 A. Lotty 8 J. Cottrell 10 C. Condon c 12 J. Quirke 14 J.