Guide Lamore difforme (Italian Edition)

Free download. Book file PDF easily for everyone and every device. You can download and read online Lamore difforme (Italian Edition) file PDF Book only if you are registered here. And also you can download or read online all Book PDF file that related with Lamore difforme (Italian Edition) book. Happy reading Lamore difforme (Italian Edition) Bookeveryone. Download file Free Book PDF Lamore difforme (Italian Edition) at Complete PDF Library. This Book have some digital formats such us :paperbook, ebook, kindle, epub, fb2 and another formats. Here is The CompletePDF Book Library. It's free to register here to get Book file PDF Lamore difforme (Italian Edition) Pocket Guide.
Acknowledgments
Contents:


  1. Falsches Spiel: Roman (German Edition)
  2. Navigation menu
  3. (PDF) THE NEW WORLD MYTHOLOGY IN ITALIAN EPIC POETRY: | Carla Aloè - jabidajyzu.tk
  4. Dal mio verziere : saggi di polemica e di critica by Jolanda

Contra ria mente a quanto ritenuto dai secondi giudici, II Sollecito uso correttamente la parola furta, come sinonimo di asportazione; Sollecito dimostro dl avere contezza della reale situazione, cioe che dalla casa non fu asportato alcunche, circostanza che avrebbe dovuto essere ritenuta significatlva della presenza del soggetto sui luogo, al momento del fatto. Pertanto in secondo grado, quando venne sentito, II Guede non si avvalse della facolta di non rispondere sulla posizione di terzi e di fatto ebbe a rispondere, cosicche il profilo attiene alia sua affidabilita.

II giudizio di inattendlbilita assoluta espresso sulle dichiarazioni del medesimo non sarebbe corretto, posta che sulla presenza di altri sui luogo del delitto II Guede non ebbe mai a modificare versione, indicando sempre gli attuali imputati. Sui plano giuridico andava escluso iI riferimento all'art. Guede rese Ie dichiarazioni che poteva rendere, rispondendo sui contenuto della lettera inviata all'emlttente televisiva in cui indicava i due imputati come presenti sui luogo del delitto e come gli autori dell'omicidio; I rlscontri sui punto provenlvano dal memoriale della Knox in cui la stessa si pose in via Della Pergola,allorche Meredith venne uccisa.

Gil argomenti prospettatl dalla corte d'appello non sarebbero in grado dl sostenere la tesi opposta a quella sostenuta in primo grado in aderenza ai dati disponibili, non avendo dimostrato come il ladro avesse potu to pensare dl salire di notte senza scala, come poteva spiegarsl I'assenza di tracce, considerato che la salita avrebbe dovuto avvenire due volte, la prima per aprire Ie persiane e la seconda dopo iI lancio del sasso, come poteva essere spiegato che i vetri rotti siano stati trovati tutti all'interno della casa e non abbiano ostacolato la salita dell'arrampicatore, che non lascio tracce di sangue sui davanzale.

Se poi iI ladro avesse davvero rotto il vetro prima di entrare, non si vede come i vetri si potessero trovare anche sotto I vestiti. Ancora si chiede II ricorrente come cia possa essere avvenuto quando la Kercher era ancora sveglia, come abbia potuto II ladro fare tutta questa fatiea per poi non sottrarre nulla, se non i telefoni della predetta, una volta fattosi prendere dalla frenesia omieida, dopo un approecio violento, anehe sotto il profilo sessuale. Le ipotesi alternative formulate dai giudiei a qui bus avrebbero dovuto essere provate con un ragionamento induttivo ed inveee non solo non vennero sottoposte a vaglio loglco e a verifica con Ie risultanze proeessuali, rna furono certezze da cui vennero fatte scaturire eonseguenze fallael quanto I'ipotesi inizlale, con un ragionamento circolare assolutamente censurabile.

La corte di seconde cure nel rieonoscere il reato di calunnia in capo aile Knox, escluse ogni rapporto con I'omicldio. Ma nulla era emerso su quest'ultlmo prima che la sventurata ne facesse iI nome, pur sapendolo innocente. Questa convinzione di innocenza non poteva perc che nascere dal fatto che ella era a conoscenza degli autori del reato, per avervi direttamente partecipato, laddove la corte d'appello giustiflec la sua concluslone asserendo che la Knox era consapevole dell'innocenza dl Lumumba perche la mancanza di elementl dl collegamento tra Lumumba e Meredith Ie facevano ritenere sicura I'estraneita del Lumumba al delitto, pur se effettivamente innocente essa stessa e lontana dalla easa di via della Pergola.

Oltre che fallace di per se, il ragionamento non mise in conto i dati di fatto contrari , cioe I'essere stata proprio la Kercher il tramite di conoscenza tra la Knox ed il Lumumba. La contraddittorieta sarebbe eosi manifesta. Francesco Maresca, Jhon Ashley Kercher e Lyle Kercher fratelli della vittlma , nonche Jhon Leslie Kercher padre della vlttima , con quattro distinti atti, tutti sempre anche a firma dell'avv. Maresca, interponevano ricorso deducendo argomenti assolutamente sovrapponlbili che si possono congiuntamente riportare in pill schematici termini, considerato che in buona misura ricalcano gil argomenti pili ampiamente sviluppati dal ricorso del Procuratore Generale di Perugia:.

Non solo, ma la corte avrebbe sostenuto la necessita di rinnovare la perizia per dirimere i contrasti creatisi tra I consulentl, laddove poi su altri aspetti dl natura sCientifica la corte senza ausilio peritale, avrebbe usato argomentazioni scientifiche dei consulenti della difesa degli imputati, senza dare raglone della scelta di dette opzioni. L'incertezza manlfestata avrebbe dovuto splngere la corte a cercare "sicurezza perltale" per I'esame di tutti i repertl utilizzatl In primo grado, a supporto della sentenza di condanna, senza effettuare una discrezionale separazione e graduazlone di fatto degll stessi, come se non avessero identico valore indiziario.

L'artlcolato svlluppo degll accertamentl operato dai primi giudici sl scontra con iIIogiche e contraddittorie applicazioni valutative nella seconda sentenza, sia in relazione all'orma sui tappetino, sla In relazlone aile impronte esaltate dal Luminol, sla in relazlone aile impronte senza profilo biologico, sia in riferimento aile tracce ematlche nel sangue, profili in cui II superamento della prima motivazione non e mai stato adeguatamente supportato.

La prova della colpevolezza oltre ogni ragionevole dubbio pua poggiare su elementi indiziari non altrettanto certi tra loro, cioe non corredati del medeslmo grado dl probabilita. Non solo, ma trattandosi per 10 piu di verbali di indagini difensive svolti dopo la sentenza dl primo grado, andavano deposltati nel fascicolo ex art. Se allora era cosl manifesta la non corrispondenza agli avvenimenti accaduti, iI reato di calunnia non sarebbe configurabile, perche carente di certezza ed univocita non essendo sufficiente un'lpotesi, una maldicenza, un suggerimento proposto nell'errato intendlmento di collaborare aile Indagini.

Non solo, ma la pista indicata confusamente dalla giovane imputata era tutta da veriflcare. E' stato sottolineato che gli atti valutati dai giudici di merlto e posti a base dell'accusa di calunnia, vennero assunti senza II previa espletamento da parte dell'autorita procedente dell'informazione delle guarentlgie dell'lndagata dlrltto di difesa ; sarebbero poi stati del tutto carenti Ie sea nslon i temporali, gli avvertlmenti e Ie domande previste dagli artt.

Inoltre sarebbe carente I'elemento psicologico, mancando la piena consapevolezza dell'innocenza del Lumumba: la dlchiarazione ambigua delle ore 5,45 era da interpretare alia luce del successivo memoriale. La Knox non ebbe mai ad evidenziare I'intenzione dolosa che caratterizza II reato; con I'esclusione dell'aggravante i giudici di secondo grado diedero atto che non vi era motivo di accusare un innocente.

La stessa all'epoca aveva venti anni, non conosceva bene la lingua italiana, doveva valutarsi che Ie dichiarazioni Ie rese in una situazione dl alterazione della capacita di intendere e volere a seguito della pressioni subite, giungendo ad affermare qualcosa di non vero senza averne consapevolezza alcuna, spinta solo dal desiderio di togliersi da quella situazione. Non solo, ma doveva essere considerata I'esimente della stato di necessita a fronte di un imminente pericolo che poteva evitare solo indicando un nome per placare l'lnslstenza accusatorla degli investlgatori.

Secondo la difesa, il PG ricorrente per cassazione ha chiesto a questa Corte di annullare la sentenza della corte d'assise d'appello 3. La sentenza di appello individua l'elemento materiale della calunnia nelle dichiarazioni spontanee rilasciata dalla Knox, il 6. Obietta la difesa che l'atto indicato come spontanee dichiarazioni in via sostanziale era un atto ex art. Se dunque ha da essere un interrogatorio tale atto, le regole generali dell'interrogatorio sarebbero state non solo pretermesse, ma violate. Secondo la difesa, la sentenza di seconde cure sarebbe strutturata su una analisi paralogica degli indizi assunti.

Del tutto incongruo sarebbe l'addebito in ordine alla mancata utilizzazione della sentenza in capo a Rudy Guede, atteso che nella sentenza della Cassazione sarebbe stata respinta la tesi del concorso nella commissione del reato. Quanto alla contestata valutazione del memoriale redatto dalla Knox il 6. Questo alla luce del compendio via-via delineatosi. Quanto alla perizia in appello, la seconda corte d'assise ha ritenuto con congrua motivazione di dover disporre un nuovo accertamento, in presenza di prova decisiva, in materia particolarmente complessa, chiedendo l'opinione di esperti di particolare eccellenza, non ritenendosi in grado di adottare una corretta decisione.

Viene poi contrapposto all'assunta dell'accusa che sarebbe pretestuoso pretendere che sia la difesa, non partecipe nell'acquisizione nella conservazione della prova, ad esser gravata di un onere probatorio impossibile da assolvere. Viene ricordato, a titolo esemplificativo della manchevolezze, che il coltello fu conservato in una scatola per agenda e che il gancetto del reggiseno della vittima venne rinvenuto quaranta giorni dopo il delitto. Quanto all'orma sui tappetino, la corte dopo un lungo contraddittorio giunse alla sua conclusione, motivando su ciascun punto avanzato dalle parti e sulla fondatezza delle proposizioni.

Infine, nessun valore poteva essere attribuito al fatto che la Knox ebbe a fare plurime telefonate alla madre quando i fatti si accavallarono e le informazioni furono contraddittorie e parziali. Quanto infine alla censura sulla simulazione di reato, il Procuratore Generale ricorrente dedurrebbe sostanzialmente un travisamento del fatto che e precluso in detta sede. In ordine alla deduzione di petitio principii, censura con cui si assume la tendenza della corte d'assise d'appello di aggirare la questione, facendo ricorso ad argomenti circolari, ad opinione della difesa sarebbe aspecifica, cosi come aspecifica sarebbe la lamentata violazione dei principi del giusto processo per non avere la corte trascurato gli aspetti confortanti l'ipotesi accusatoria.

L'acquisizione in funzione probatoria della sentenza emessa nei confronti di Rudi Guede non poteva avere efficacia vincolante, come correttamente ritenuto, a fronte di dati emersi, che smentivano l'ipotesi del concorso. La lamentata mancata valutazione del memoriale integra una censura che invoca un apprezzamento di fatto non consentito. In sostanza, la corte secondo la difesa, era del tutto legittimata a disporre perizia anche nella prospettiva di riforma della sentenza, non essendole fatto carico di compiere apprezzamenti tecnico scientifici in maniera del tutto solita ria, senza potersi avvalere di esperti.

Il diniego di perizia poi non rientra tra le censure deducibili per cassazione, ne si sarebbe in presenza di una lesione del diritto alla prova contra ria, vista che la procura non aveva formulato in sede di conferimento dell'incarico richieste ed osservazioni in tale senso. In questo caso si pretenderebbe una rivalutazione della testimonianza non consentita, atteso che la testimonianza sarebbe stata correttamente esaminata dai giudici di secondo grado, sui presupposto della distanza temporale con cui il suo contributo venne offerto agli inquirenti.

Le dichiarazioni del teste furono del resto confrontate con quelle delle sue dipendenti che avrebbero riferito I dubbi prospettati dal Quintavalle sulla sua esatta identificazione. La corte d'appello avrebbe poi valorizzato la dichiarazione del Guede ad un amico e nell'esplicazione del suo libero convincimento ebbe ad effettuare una valutazione di detta conversazione, ritenendola utile ai fini del dato dell'orario, visti gli innumerevoli elementi di prova che conclamavano la sua presenza sui luogo del fatto.

Sulle indagini genetiche, i giudici dei secondo grado si sono adeguati alle conclusioni peritali, senza che sorgesse loro l'obbligo dl fornire autonoma dimostrazione dell'esattezza scientifica della tesi peritale. Quanto alle orme del piede nudo, riportabile secondo la Polizia Scientifica al Sollecito, rilevata nel bagno della casa dl via della Pergola, la difesa fa notare che contrariamente a quanto sostenuto dai ricorrenti, i giudici dell'appello si sarebbero limitati a ritenere che la semplice analisi dell'impronta plantare sfornita per caratteristiche di un alto coefficiente individualizzante, non fosse di per se sufficiente ad individuare il soggetto a cui l'impronta si riferisce, con un ragionamento assolutamente coerente, dovendosi ritenere un elemento probatorio sfornito di piena valenza persuasiva.

In questa cornice, la corte di seconde cure ha valorizzato le considerazioni del prof. Le doglianze avanzate dal ricorrente sconfinerebbero nel merito, sollecitando un'alternativa ricostruzione del fatto storico. Sulla presenza degli imputati sui luogo del delitto, i ricorrenti propongono valutazioni in fatto ancorandole alle dichiarazioni della Knox del 2 novembre, alla telefonata di questa alla madre, alla telefonata del Sollecito ai Carabinieri. Infine, per quanto riguarda le intercettazioni ambientali, lamenta la difesa che siano state estrapolate dal ricorrenti singoli particolari, omettendo di dare conto dell'insieme degli altri elementi che dimostravano in modo convergente ed univoco l'esistenza dl uno shock conseguente alle pressioni subite dalla Knox.

I ricorsi del Procuratore Generale della Corte d'appello di Perugia e quelli delle parti civili sono fondati e vanno accolti, cosi come e stato richiesto dal Procuratore Generale in udienza. Deve invece essere rigettato il ricorso interposto da Amanda Knox, relativamente alla condanna a lei inflitta per il reato di calunnia ai danni di Diya Lumumba, detto Patrick. Questo non vuol dire che le c. I, E' state infatti sottolineato come l'art. IV, Che la giovane fosse perfettamente a giorno della di lui innocenza, era emerso dal contenuto di un colloquio Intercorso il A parere della Corte d'appello invece, il nome del Lumumba sarebbe stato dato in pasto agli inquirenti, pur di superare senza ulteriori conseguenze il particolare momento di insopportabile pressione psicologica che si era venuta a creare su di lei, per le esasperate insistenze e forzature operate al fine di ottenere indicazioni significative per lo sviluppo delle indagini.

Pertanto, a detta dei giudici di secondo grado, seppure dovesse escludersi che la situazione di stress fosse stata tale da limitare la di lei capacita di intendere e volere, la falsa incolpazione, in ragione della mancanza di collegamenti tra il Lumumba e la Kercher, si conciliava razionalmente con il fatto che la Knox non fosse presente sui locus commissi delicti. V, La Knox seppure molto giovane era ragazza matura, con un livello culturale adeguato, nata e vissuta in uno Stato la cui legislazione non consente di accusare gratuitamente una persona, pur di liberare se stesso da una situazione imbarazzante.

VI, In primis va detto che come rilevato dal PG, i giudici dl secondo grado hanno trascurato almeno un paio di contributi informativi, la cui valutazione non avrebbe consentito dl giungere alla conclusione adottata. At the opening of the twelfth century the Carolingian Cycle had begun to lose its vogue among the polished aristocracy of France. That uncompromising history of warfare hardly suited a society which had developed the courtesy and the romance of chivalry. It repre- sented the manners of an antecedent age of feudalism. Therefore the tales of the Round Table arose to satisfy the needs of knights and ladies, whose thoughts were turned to love, the chase, the tournament, and errantry.

The Arthurian myth idealized their newer and more refined type of feudal civility. It was upon the material of this romantic Epic that the nobles of North Italy fastened with the greatest eagerness. No one has forgotten how the tragedy of Lancelot and Guinevere proved, in a later day, the ruin of Francesca and her lover. The Carol- ingian Cycle, on the contrary, introduced personages with a good right to be considered historical, and dwelt upon familiar names and traditional ideas.

demo-new.nplan.io/mulan-conte-en-valenci.php

Falsches Spiel: Roman (German Edition)

We are not, therefore, surprised to find that this Epic took a strong hold on the popular imagination, and so penetrated the Italian race as to assume a new form on Italian soil, while the Arthurian romance survived as a pastime of the upper classes, and underwent no important metamorphosis at their hands.

In the course of this volume, I shall have to show how, when Italian literature emerged again from the people after nearly a century of neglect, it was the trans- formed tale of Charlemagne and Roland which supplied the Italian nation with its master-works of epic poetry — the Morgante and the two Orlandos. The Lombard, or rather the Franco- Italian period narum in plateis Communis omnino morari non possint.

They had become a public nuisance and impeded traffic. The ru- brics of one or two will suffice to show how the names were Italianized. Qui conta come la damigclla di Scalot mori per amore di Lanciallotto de Lac. Qui conta delta reina Isotta e di m. Tristano dt Leonis. Literature at this stage was exotic and artificial; but the legacy transmitted to the future was of vast importance.

On the one side, the courtly rhymers who versified in the Provencal dialect, be- queathed to Sicily and Tuscany the chivalrous lyric of love, which was destined to take its final and fairest form from Dante and Petrarch.


  • Combat Service Support Guide.
  • Murder in Deep Ellum.
  • Orphans of Petrarch?

On the other hand, the populace who listened to the Song of Roland on the market-place, prepared the necessary conditions for a specific and eminently characteristic product of Italian genius. Without a national epic, the Italians were forced to borrow from the French. But what they borrowed, they transmuted — not merely adding new material, like the tale of Gano's treason and the fiction of Orlando's birth at Sutri, but importing their own spirit, positive, ironical and incredulous, into the substance of the legend.

In the course of Italianizing the tale of Roland, the native dialects made their first effort to assume a literary form. We possess sufficient MS. The process was not one of pure transla- tion. The dialects were not fit for such performance. It may rather be described as the attempt of the dia- lects to acquire capacity for studied expression. With French poems before them, the popular rhapsodes introduced dialectical phrases, substituted words, and, where this was possible, modified the style in favor of the dialect they wished to use.

But the hybrid was of such a nature that a transition from this mixed jargon to the dialect, presented in a literary shape, was imminent. There is sufficient ground for presuming that the Italian dialects triumphed simultaneously in all parts of the peninsula about the middle of the thirteenth century. The peculiar problems offered by the conditions of poetry at Frederick II. It is difficult to understand the third or Sicilian period of literature without hypo- thesizing an antecedent stage of vulgar poetry pro- duced in local dialects.

But, owing to the scarcity of documents, no positive facts regarding the date and mode of their emergence can be adduced. We have on this point to deal with matters of delicate conjec- ture and minute inference; and though it might seem logical to introduce at once a discussion on the growth of the Italian language, and its relation to the dialects which were undoubtedly spoken before they were committed to writing, special reasons induce me to defer this topic for the present.

While the North of Italy was deriving the literature both of its cultivated classes and of the people from France, a new and still more important phase of evolu- 1 See Adolfo Bartoli, Storia della Letteratura Italiana, vol. Both Dante and Petrarch recognize the Sicilian poets as the first to cultivate the vulgar tongue with any measure of success, and to raise it to the dignity of a literary language.

In this opinion they not only uttered the tradition of their age, but were also without doubt historically correct. Whatever view may be adopted concerning the formation of the lingua illustre, or polished Italian, from the dialectical elements already employed in local kinds of poetry, there is no disputing the im- portance of the Sicilian epoch. We cannot fix precise dates for its duration. Yet, roughly speaking, it may be said to have begun in , when troubadours of some distinction gathered round the person of the Norman king, William II. It culminated during the reign of the Emperor Frederick II.

Lara Fabian - Perdere l'Amore (English lyrics translation)

Dante called Frederick, Cherico grande. Yet the opinion may be hazarded that the cultivation of Italian as a literary language was due in no small measure to the forethought and deliberate intention of an Emperor, who preferred his southern to his northern provinces. Unlike the Lombard nobles, Frederick, while adopting Provencal literature, gave it Italian utterance. This seems to indicate both purpose and prevision on his part. Wishing to found an Italian dynasty, and to acclima- tize the civilization of Provence in his southern capitals, he was careful to promote purely Italian studies.

There can at any rate be no doubt that during his reign and under his influence very considerable pro- gress was made towards fixing the diction and the forms of poetry. He found dialects, not merely spoken, but already adapted to poetical expression, in more than one district of Italy. From these districts the most eminent artists flocked to his Court. It was there that a common type of speech was formed, which, when the burghers of Central Italy began to emulate the versifiers of Palermo, furnished them with an established style.

How the lingua aulica came into being admits of much debate. But we may, I think, maintain that the fundamental dialect from which it sprang was Sicilian, 1 Chronica Fr. Salimbene Parmensis, ord. The difficulty of understanding the problem is in part removed when we remember the variety of representatives from noble towns of Italy who met in Frederick's circle, the tenden- cies of a dialect to refine itself when it assumes a literary form, and the continuous influences of Court- life in common.

Italians gathered round the person of the sovereign at Palermo from their native cities, must in ordinary courtesy have abandoned the crudi- ties of their respective idioms. This sacrifice could not but have been reciprocal; and since Provencal was not spoken to the exclusion of the mother-tongue, a generic Italian had here the best chance of develop- ment. That this generic or Court Italian was at root Sicilian, we have substantial reasons to believe; but that it exactly resembled the Sicilian of to-day, which does not greatly differ from extant documents of thirteenth and fourteenth century Sicilian dialect, seems too crude a supposition.

Few poems of the Sicilian period, as will appear in the sequel, have descended to us in their primitive form. Not only was a common language instituted in the Court of Frederick; but the metrical forms of subse- quent Italian poetry were either fixed or suggested by the practice of these early versifiers.

Few subjects 1 See the Cronache Siciliane, Bologna, Romagnoli, , the first ot which bears upon its opening paragraph the date Sicilian, it may be said in passing, presents close dialectical resemblance to Tuscan. Even the superficial alteration of the Sicilian u and i into the Tuscan and e e. The Italian hendecasyllabic, the French Alexandrian, the English heroic iambic, are obvious examples. This selection of a characteristic meter, and the essays through which the race arrives at its perfection, seem to imply some instinct, planted within the deeps of national person- ality, whereof the laws have not been formulated.

When we speak of the genius of a language, we do but personify this instinct, which appears to exercise itself at an early period of national development, leav ing for subsequent centuries the task of refining and completing what had been projected at the outset. Therefore, nothing very distinct can be asserted about the origin of the hendecasyllable iambic line, which marks Italian poetry. Carducci, in his treatise Intorno ad alcune Rime Imola, Galeati, , pp. In the Lombardo- Sicilian age of Italian literature, before Bologna acted as an intermediate to Florence, this meter bid fair to become acclimatized.

But the Tuscan genius determined decisively for the hendecasyllabic. The rhym- ing system of the octave stanza may possibly be traced in Ciullo d'Alcamo's tenzone between the lover and his mistress; though it still needed a century of elabora- tion at the hands of popular rispetti- writers, to present it in completed form to Boccaccio's muse.

Terza rima seems to be suggested by the sonnet of the Sparviere ; while a perfect sonnet, differing very little either in structure or in diction from the type of Petrarch's, is supplied in Piero delle Vigne's Perocche amore. At the same time the high wrought structure of the Canzone, destined to play so triumphant a part during the whole period of the trecento, receives its essential outlines from the rhymers of this age, especially from Jacopo da Lentino and Guido delle Colonne. Though the forms and language of Sicilian poetry decided the destinies of Italian, the substance of this literature was far from being national.

Under its Italian garb, it was no less an exotic than the Pro- vencal and French compositions of the Lombard period. After running a brilliant course in Provence, the poetry of chivalrous love was now declining to its decadence. It had ceased to be the spontaneous expres- sion of a dominant ideal, and had degenerated into a pastime for dilettanti. Its style had become conven- tional; its phrases fixed. The visionary science upon which it was based, had to be studied in codes of doc- trine and repeated with pedantic precision. Frederick 1 See Carducci, Cantilene, etc.

Pisa, , pp. They adhered as closely as possible to tradi- tional forms, imitated time-honored models, and con- fined their efforts to the reproduction of the old art in a new vehicle of language. Therefore, vernacular Italian poetry in this first stage of its existence pre- sents the curious spectacle of literature decrepit in the cradle, hampered with the euphuism of an exhausted manner before it could move freely, and taught to frame conceits and cold antitheses before it learned to lisp.

Such, in general, may be said to have been the character of the Sicilian or I talo- Provencal style. Yet a careful student of these Canzoni, Serventesi, and Tenzoni, will discover much that is both natural and graceful, much that is elevated in thought, much again that belongs to the crude sensuousness of Southern tem- perament. There is an unmistakable blending of the Provencal tradition with indigenous realism, especially in such compositions as the Lament of Odo delle Colonne, the Lament of Ruggieri Pugliese, and the Tenzone of Ciullo d'Alcamo.

Comparetti, Bologna, Romagnoli, What might have been the destiny of Italian literature, if the Suabian House had maintained its hold on the Two Sicilies, and this process of fusion had been completed at Naples or Palermo, cannot even be surmised. Our knowledge of the earliest Italo- Provencal po- etry is vague, owing to lack of genuine Sicilian mon- uments. We can only trace faint indications of a pro- gress toward greater freedom and more spontaneous inspiration, as the " courtly makers " yielded to the singers of the people.

The battle of Benevento ex- tinguished at one blow both the hopes of the Suabian dynasty and the development of Sicilian poetry. When Manfred's body had been borne naked on a donkey from the battle-field to his nameless grave, amid the cries of Chi compra Manf recti? Arthur was dead, and would never come again. Chivalry and feudalism had held their brief and feeble sway in Italy, and that was over.

Neither in Lombardy among the castles, nor in Sicily within the Court, throbbed the real life of the Italian nation. That life was in the Communes. It beat in the heart of the people — especially of that people who had made nobility a crime beside the Arno, and had outlawed the Scio- perati from their City of the Flower. What the Suabian princes gave to Italy was the beginning of a common language.

The question of the origin of the Italian language pertains rather to philology than to the history of culture. Dante's De Eloquio, though based on unscientific principles of analysis, opened a discussion which exercised the acutest intellects of the sixteenth century.

During the whole Roman period, it is certain that literary Latin differed in important respects from the vulgar, rustic or domestic, language. Thus while a Roman gentleman would have said habeo pulchrum equum, his groom probably expressed the same thought in words like these: ego habeo unum helium caballum. Between a graffito scribbled on the wall of some old Roman building — Alexander unum animal est, for instance — and one now chalked in the same district, Alessandro e un animate, there is hardly as much difference as between a literary Latin sentence and either of these rustic epigrams; while the use of such intensitives as multum and bene, to express the i The most important modern works upon this subject are three Es- says by Napoleone Caix, Saggio sulla Storia della Lingua e dci Dia- letti d' Italia, Parma, ; Studi di Etimologia Italiana c Romanza, Firenze, ; Le Origini della Lingua Poetica Italiana, Firenze, The vulgar or rustic Latin continued, side by side with its literary counterpart, throughout the middle ages, forming in the first cen- turies of imperial decline the common speech of the Romance peoples, and gradually assuming those specific forms which determined the French, Spanish, and Italian types.

There is little doubt that, could we possess ourselves of sufficient documents, we should be able to trace the stages in this process. Both literary and vulgar Latin suffered transformation — the former declining in purity, variety, and vigor; the latter diverging dialectically into the constituents of the three grand families of modern Latin. But the meta- morphosis was not of the same nature in both cases. While the literary language had been fixed, arrested, and delivered over to death, the vulgar tongue re- tained a vivid and assimilative life, capable of biologi- cal transmutation.

French, Spanish, and Italian are modes of its existence continued under laws of organic variety and change. It would be unscientific to suppose that rustic Latin, even in the most flourishing period of the Roman Empire, was identical in all provinces. From the first it must have held within itself the principles of differentiation. The same laws of differentiation hold good with regard to the dialects in each of these new languages. It is improbable that absolutely the same vulgar Latin was at any epoch spoken in two remote districts of the same province — on the Tuscan sea-coast, for example, and on the banks of Padus.

Even when the Roman empire used one language, intelligible from the JEgean to the German Ocean, the Italic districts must have differed in their local vernacular. Again, the same conditions climatic, ethnological, political, and so forth which helped to determine the generic distinc- tions of French, Spanish, and Italian, determined also the specific distinctions of one Italian dialect from another. Those of the north-west, for instance, in- clined to Gallic, and those of the north-east to Illyrian idiom.

Those of Lombardy in general exhibit a mix- ture of German words. Those of Sicily and the south approximate more to a Spanish type, and share the effects of Greek and Arab occupation. The dialects of the center, especially the Tuscan, show marked superiority both in grammatical form and pho- netic purity over the more disintegrated and corrupted idioms of north and south. It might be suggested that Tuscan, being less modified by foreign contact, continued the natural life of the old rustic Latin according to laws of unimpeded self-development. It is a dialect, but a dialect that realized the bent and striving of the lan- guage.

We find it difficult to feel, far more to state, what qualities in a dialect and in the people of the district who use it, render one idiom more adapted to literary usage, more characteristic of the language it helps to constitute, more plastic and expressive of national peculiarities, than those around it. But the fact is certain that this superiority in Tuscan was early recognized l ; and that too without any political advantages in favor of its triumph. Boniface VIII. It was something spiritually quintessential, something com- plementary to the sister dialects, which caused the success of Tuscan.

Thus, while literary Latin, though dying and almost dead, was taught in the grammar schools and used by learned men, the rustic Latin in the thirteenth century had disappeared. But this disap- pearance was not death. It was transformation. The group of dialects which represented the new phase in its existence, shared such common qualities as proved them to have had original affinity; and fitted them for being recognized as a single family.

The position, therefore, of the Italians at the close of the thirteenth 1 " Lingua Tusca magis apta est ad literam sive literaturam quam aliae linguae, et ideo magis est communis et intelligibilis. See p. They possessed the classic Latin authors in a bad state of preservation, and studied a few of them with some minuteness, basing their own learned style upon the imitation of Virgil and Ovid, Cicero, Boethius, and the rhetoricians of the lower empire.

Navigation menu

But at home, in their families, upon the market-place, and in the prosecution of business, they talked the local dialects, each of which was more or less remotely representative of the ancient vulgar Latin. However these dialects might differ, they formed in combination a new lan- guage, distinct from the parent stock of Rustic Latin, and equally distinct from French and Spanish.

If this was true of the refined type of Tuscan used by a great master, it was no less true of dialectical compositions selected for the express purpose of exhibiting their rudeness. Dante clearly expected contemporary readers not only to interpret, but to appreciate the shades of greater and lesser nicety in the examples he culled from Roman, Apulian, Florentine and other vernacular literatures.

This expectation proves that he felt himself to be dealing with a group of dialects which, taken collectively, formed a common idiom. De Eloquio, lib. Dante points out their differences, but does not neglect theii community of origin. The desideratum, to use Dante's words, was " that illustrious, cardinal, courtly, curial mother-tongue, proper to each Italian State, special to none, whereby the local idioms of every city are to be measured, weighed, and compared. The peculiar conditions of Italy, as he described them, were destined to subsist through- out the next two centuries and a half, when men of learning, taking Tuscan as their standard, sought by practice and example to form a national language.

The self-consciousness of the Italians front to front with this problem, as revealed to us in the pages of the De Eloquio, and the decision with which i De Vulg. Tuscan predomi- nated; but that the masterpieces of the trecento were not composed in any one of the unadulterated Tuscan dialects is clear, not merely from the contemporary testimony of Dante himself, but also from the ob- stinate discussions raised upon this subject by Bembc at a later period.

A guiding and controlling principle of taste determined the instinctive method of selec- tion whereby Tuscan was adapted to the common needs of Italy. While treating of the Latin, the Lombard or Franco- Italian, and the Sicilian or I talo- Provencal periods of national development, I have hitherto neglected that plebeian literature which, although its monuments have almost perished, must have been diffused in dialects through Italy after the opening of the thirteenth century. Written for and by the people, the relics of this prose and poetry are valuable, not merely for the light they throw on the formation of language, but also for their indications of national tendencies.

It is impossible to fix even an approximate date for the emergence of Italian prose. Law documents, deeds of settlement, contracts, and public acts, which can be referred with certainty to the first half of the thirteenth century, display a pressure of the vulgar speech upon the formal Latin of official verbiage. The effort to obtain precision in designating some particular locality or some important person, forces the scribe back upon his common speech; and these evidences of difficulty in wielding the Latin which had now become a dying language, prove that, long before it was written, Italian was spoken.

From the year we possess accounts of domestic expenditure written by one Matta- sala di Spinello dei Lambertini in the Sienese dialect Then follow Lucchese documents and letters of Si- enese citizens, which, though they have no literary value, show that people who could write had begun to ex- press their thoughts in spoken idiom. The first essays in Italian composition for a lettered public were trans- lations from works already written by Italians in langue a" oil. Among these a prominent place must be assigned to the version of Marco Polo's travels, which Rusticiano of Pisa first published in French, having pos- sibly received them in Venetian from the traveler's own lips.

Religious history and ethics furnished another library in the vernacular. The Dodici Conti Morally the Introduzlo? After a like manner, books of rhetoric and grammar in vogue among the medieval students were popularized in abstracts for Italian readers. Of scientific compila- tions, the Composlzlone del Mondo by Ristoro of Arezzo, embracing astronomical and geographical information, takes rank with the ethical and rhetorical works already mentioned.


  • .
  • Real Girls of the Bible: A 31-Day Devotional (Faithgirlz).
  • The Gods Among Us (Divine Masquerade Series Book 1).

The note of all these compositions is that they are professedly epitomes of learning, already possessed in more authentic sources by scholars. As such, they prove that there existed a class of readers eager for instruction, to whom books written in Latin or in French were not accessible. In a word, they indicate the advent of the modern tongue, with all its exigencies and with all its capabilities. To deal with the Chronicles of this period is no easy matter; for those which are professedly the oldest — Matteo Spi- nelli's, Ricordano Malespinis, and Lu Rlbellament it dl Slcllla — have been proved in some sense fabrications.

On the other hand, it is clear from the Cento Novelle that the more dramatic episodes of history and myth were being submitted to the same epitomizing treat- ment. Finally we have to mention Guittone of Arezzo's epistles as the first serious attempt to treat the vulgar tongue rhetorically, for a distinct literary purpose. Numerous fragments of political songs have been disinterred from chronicles, which can be referred to the thirteenth century.

(PDF) THE NEW WORLD MYTHOLOGY IN ITALIAN EPIC POETRY: | Carla Aloè - jabidajyzu.tk

Thus an anony- mous Genoese rhymster celebrated the victories of Laiazzo and Curzola , while Giovanni Villani preserved six lines upon the siege of Messina More im- portant, because of greater extent, are the laments and amorous or comic poems, which can be attributed to the same century. Villani, lib. A cura di Giosue Carducci Pisa, , pp. Each displays facility of composition and a literary style already formed. They are not without French parallels; but the mode of presentation is Italian, and the phrases have been transplanted without change from vulgar dialogue.

Two romantic lyrics extracted from the same MS. These were known to Boccaccio, for he refers to them by name at the close of the fifth day in the Decameron. Each of the ditties bears a thoroughly Italian stamp, and anticipates by its peculiar style of double entendre a whole depart- ment of national poetry — the Florentine Carnival 1 Ibid.

Hence we may take occasion to observe that those who accuse Lorenzo de' Medici and his contemporaries of debasing popular taste by the deliberate introduction of licentious- ness into art, exceed the limits of just censure. What is called the Paganism of the Renaissance, was in- digenous in Italy. We find it inherent in vulgar literature before the date of Boccaccio; and if, with the advance of social luxury, it assumed, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, a more objectionable prominence, this should not be exclusively ascribed to the influence of humanistic studies or to the example of far-sighted despots.

To an unprejudiced student oi Italian arts and letters nothing seems more clearly proved than the fact that a certain powerful objective quality — call it realism, call it sensuousness — deter- mines their most genuine productions, sinking to grossness, ascending to sublimity, combining with religious feeling in the fine arts, blending with the definiteness of classic style, but never absent.

It is this objectivity, realism, sensuousness, which consti- tutes the strength of the Italians, and assigns the limitations of their faculty. In quite a different region, but of no less import- ance for the future of Italian literature, must be reckoned the religious hymns, which, during the thir- teenth century, began to be composed in the ver- nacular. The earliest known specimen is S. Francis' famous Cantico del Sole, which, even as it is preserved to us, after undergoing the process of modernization, retains the purity and freshness of a bird's note in spring.

After S. Francis, but at the distance of half a century, followed Jacopone da Todi, with his pas- sionate and dithyrambic odes, which seem to vibrate tongues of fire. To this religious lyric the Flagel- lant frenzy and the subsequent formation of Companies of Laudesi gave decisive impulse. I shall have in a future chapter to discuss the relation between the Umbrian Lauds and the origins of the Drama. It is enough here to notice the part played in the evolution of the language by so early a transition from the Latin Hymns of the Church to Hymns written in the modern speech for private confraterni- ties and domestic gatherings.

There are many indications that the pro- ducts of one province speedily became the property of the rest. Spontaneous motives were mingled with French and Provencal recollections; and already we can trace the unconscious effort to form a common language in the process known as Toscaneggiamento y or the translation of local songs into Tuscan idiom.

What really happened was, that Frederick's Court became the center of a widespread literary movement. The Sicilian dialect predomina- ting at Palermo over the rest, the poets of different provinces who assembled round the Emperor were subsequently known as Sicilian. Their songs, passing upward through the peninsula, bore that name, even when they had, as at Florence, been converted, by dialectical modifications, to the use of Tuscan folk. We must bear in mind that the poets of this Court 1 See Carducci, op.

Dante makes dottori nearly synonymous with trovatori. At the same time, one of the earliest specimens of Sicilian poetry, Ciullo d'Alcamo's Tenzone, is popular, free from Provencal affectation, inclining to comedy in some of its marked motives and to coarse- ness at its close. This proves that in the island, side by side with " courtly makers " and dottori, there flour- ished an original and vulgar manner of poetry. The process of Tuscanization referred to in the preceding paragraph is too important in its bearings on the problems of Italian language and literature, to be passed over without further discussion.

We possess but a few stanzas in a pure condi- tion. There is, therefore, reason to believe that when Dante treated of the courtly Sicilian poets in his essay De Vulgari Eloqtcio, he knew their writings in a form already Tuscanized. At the date of the composition of that essay, the Suabian House had been extinguished ; the literary society of the south was broken up; and to Florence had already fallen the heritage of art.

It is reprinted in his volume of Saggi Critici, Napoli, The subject is fully discussed from a point of view at variance with my text by Adolf Gaspary, Die Sicilianische Dichterschule, Berlin, Consequently the new Italian literature was already Tuscan either by origin, or by adoption, or by a pro- cess of transformation, before the Florentines assumed the dictatorship of letters. It seems paradoxical to hint that Dante should not have perceived what has been here stated as more than a mere possibility. How came it that he included Florentine among the peccant idioms, and maintained that the true literary speech was still to seek?

These doubts may in part at least be removed, when we remember the peculiar conditions under which the courtly poetry he praised had been produced; and the indirect channels by which it had reached him. In the first place, we have seen that it was composed in avowed imitation of Pro- vencal models, by men of taste and learning drawn from several provinces. They culled, for literary pur- poses, a vocabulary of colorless and neutral words, which clothed the same conventional ideas with elegant and artificial monotony.

When these compositions underwent the further process of Tuscanization which was easy, owing to certain dialectical affinities between Sicilian and Tuscan , they lost to a large extent what still remained to them of local character, without ac- quiring the true stamp of Florentine. Even a con- temporary could not have recognized in the verse of Jacopo da Lentino, thus treated, either a genuine Sicilian or a genuine Tuscan flavor. His language presented the appearance of being, as indeed it was, different from both idioms.

We may prefer the racy stanzas of the Cognate to those frigid and exhausted euphu- isms. But the critical taste of so great a master as even Dante was not tuned to any such preference. Though he recognized the defects of the Sicilian poets, as is manifest from his dialogue with Guido in the Purgatory, he gave them all credit for elevating verse above the vulgar level. Their insipid diction seemed to him the first germ of a noble lingua aulica. Its colorlessness and strangeness hid the fact that it had already, at the close of the thirteenth century, assumed the Tuscan habit, and that from the well-springs of Tuscan idiom the Italian of the future would have to draw its aliment.

The downfall of the Hohenstauffens and the dis- persion of their Court-poets proved a circumstance of decisive benefit to Italian literature, by removing it from a false atmosphere into conditions where it freely flourished and expanded its originality. Feudalism formed no vital part of the Italian social system, and chivalry had never been more than an exotic, culti- vated in the hotbed of the aristocracy. The impulse given to poetry in the south, under influences in no true sense of the phrase national — a Norman-German dynasty attempting to acclimatize Provencal forms upon Italian soil — could hardly have produced a vigorous type of literature.

It is from the people, in centers of popular activity, or where the spirit of the people finds full play in representative society, that characteristic art must be developed. When Italian poetry deserted Palermo for the banks of the Arno, it exchanged the Court for the people; the subtleties of decadent chivalry for the genuine impulses of a free community; the pettiness of culture for the humanities of a public conscious of high destinies and educated in a mascu- line political arena.

Here the grand qualities of the Italian genius found an open field. Literature, aban- doning imitative elegance, expressed the feelings, thoughts, and aspirations of a breed second to none in Europe for acuteness of intellect, intensity of emotion, and greatness of purpose.

At Palermo the princes and their courtiers had been reciprocally auditors and poets. At Florence the people listened; and the poets, sprung from them, were speakers. Ex- cept at Athens in the golden age of Hellas, no populace has equaled that of Florence both for the production of original genius, and also for the sen- sitiveness to beauty, diffused throughout all classes, which brings the artist and his audience into right accord. Two stages in the transition from Sicily to Florence need to be described. He wrote, however, roughly.

Though he practiced vernacular prose, and assumed in verse the declamatory tone which Petrarch afterwards em- ployed with such effect in his addresses to the con- sciousness of Italy, yet Dante could speak of him with cold contempt 2 ; nor can we claim for him a higher place than that of precursor. He attempted more than he was able to fulfill. But his attempt, when judged by the conditions of his epoch, deserves to rank among achievements. With a poet of Bologna the case is different Placed midway between Lombardy and Tuscany, Bologna shared the instincts of the two noblest Italian populations — the Communes who wrested liberty from Frederick Barbarossa, and the Communes who were to give arts and letters to the nation.

Bologna, moreover, was proud of her legal university, and had already won her title of " the learned. Receiving from his I talo- Provencal predecessors the material of chivalrous love, and obeying the genius of his native city, Guido rhymed of love no longer as a fashion- able pastime, but as the medium of philosophic truth. From Guido started a school of transcen- dental singers, who used the ancient form and subject- matter of exotic poetry for the utterance of metaphys- ical thought.

The Italians, born, as it were, old, were destined thus to pass from imitation, through specula- tion, to the final freedom of their sensuous art. Of this new lyric style — logical, allegorical, mystical — the first masterpiece was Guido's Canzone of the Gentle Heart. The code was afterwards formulated in Dante's Convito.

The life it covered and interpreted was painted in the Vita Nuova. Humanist belatedness, while not unique to Italy, necessarily acquired different characteristics in other countries, resulting in the elevation of different topoi to the status of master tropes. Italians, for example, regarded the Romans as their ancestors, so the death and rebirth of ancient culture, while influenced by external invasions, were viewed as national concerns and expressed through the trope of the tripartite model of history. To scholars such as Curtius, the very idea of the "Middle Ages" is "a coinage of the Italian humanists and only comprehensible from their point of view" The "Renaissance" was a strictly Italian affair, and "the concept that Spain, France, Germany, and so on, experienced 'Renaissances' is to be rejected.

It is true, however, that these countries had one or more waves of 'Italianism'—which was the export form of the Italian Renaissance" 34 n. Yet by acknowledging the existence of cultural. According to this theory, the center of learning shifts periodically and moves gradually to the west: thus, the origin of civilization was in the ancient Near East, which gradually passed the torch to the Greeks and then to the Romans, and so on.

The Italian revival might be a continuation of Rome, but, viewed from abroad, a Renaissance in France or Spain indicates a new movement farther to the west, so French or Spanish humanists had to posit a translatio studii that lagged behind the translatio imperii , which had already been accomplished. Thus, like the trope of humanist belatedness, that of the translatio serves as much as a sign of hidden worries about the lack of priority, as an effective antidote.

Moreover, it prompts an added degree of anxiety, for as a cyclical scheme of history it implies an eventual downfall for the very nations that use it to account for their rise. As Italian humanist ideas spread abroad, they carried with them, as Johan Nordstroem put it, Italian notions about the importance and superiority of Italian civilization, and a disdainful attitude regarding "barbarians" who lived beyond the Alps The result of appropriating such Italian ideas may be termed "displacedness," a geographical sense of national inferiority parallel to the historical sense of belatedness.

In Spain a tradition of classical scholarship existed throughout the late medieval period, particularly in the wake of contacts fostered with Avignon during the reign of the Spaniard Pedro de Luna as Benedict XIII. Ottavio Di Camillo, adapting Ferguson's model to Spain, shows how these efforts remained largely "prehumanistic," for scholars did not conceive of themselves as renewers of antiquity; rather, they viewed the past ahistorically, minimizing the gap that. In his "Proemio e carta"—the preface to an anthology of his poetic works, written in the late s—Santillana presents a panoramic history of poetry from the ancients to his own day.

The twelve-hundred-year gap he posits between the ancients and the moderns suggests the tripartite division of history that opens the way for the humanist hermeneutic, but by and large his is a chronologically and geographically inclusive list. Though deeply involved in the political events of his day, Santillana does not link the situation of Spanish poetry to military attainments, or view literary history in terms of a translatio studii that would set up an opposition between Spain and Italy.

Similarly, Santillana's sonnets, though considerable poetical achievements in their own right, show an eclectic approach to imitation, and while permeated with Petrarchisms as decorative devices, they do not struggle to appropriate Petrarch as a single, privileged model. Yet Santillana's importance to Spanish humanist self-consciousness stems as much from the posthumous praise of his followers as from his own accomplishments.

Even more interesting, as Di Camillo points out, are the comments of Diego de Burgos in Schiff, — By attributing the revival of learning to Santillana, Burgos employs a trope already well established in Italian humanist circles; but Di Camillo is correct in underlining its significance, for Burgos uses it to set up an opposition between Italy and Spain. With language that anticipates later writers, he depicts Santillana as a warrior successfully looting that eloquence which was formerly the property of the Italians and bringing it to Castile, where now it begins to Flourish.

Thus as Di Camillo concludes, with the de-.


  • Rockin Around The Christmas Tree.
  • 6 More Dead!
  • Die Machttheorie Foucaults (German Edition)?

Yet if fifteenth-century humanist belatedness was primarily indigenous, it was transcended at the end of the century by national developments that led to a more complex relationship with Italy. As Di Camillo observed, in humanist rhetoric Antonio de Nebrija ca. By the end of the fifteenth century, the homogenization of Spain was clearly at hand, as the dynastic union of the crowns of Aragon and Castile presaged the imminent conquest of Granada and the expulsion of the Jews.

With it came Castilian hegemony in linguistic as in political matters, but with it too came an internationalist attitude previously associated with Aragon. To both Nebrija and Encina, literary history lags behind Spanish political and military achievements, and they contrast cultural shortcomings to Italian achievements. By casting both political and literary history in terms of a translatio , they seek to predict that literary accomplishments will eventually catch up with military ones. But in the process they reveal a rivalry with Italy for cultural legitimacy, based on feelings of belatedness and displacedness, and they burden Spanish culture with fear of eventual decline and extinction.

Castile seemed to be at its political and military peak, ready at last to look outside itself; and the most immediate opportunities lay in Africa and Italy, each in its own way symbolic of Spain's cultural heritage. Ferdinand's Italian policy was to yield, within a decade, the deposition of his Neapolitan cousins and the absorption of southern Italy by the Spanish crown. The new international prominence of Spain and its focus on Italy leave their mark on Nebrija's grammar, which emerges as the first document of Spanish cultural belatedness and thus of the Spanish Renaissance.

Language was always the companion of empire, and followed it such that together they began, together they grew and flourished, and later together they fell. To substantiate this assertion of connection and cycle, Nebrija proceeds to a historical survey of the great political and linguistic powers of the past, combining military and literary accomplishments. Abraham spoke the Chaldean language of his birthplace, which, mixed with Egyptian, resulted in Hebrew at the same time that the Jews were constituted a nation. Moses was the first to philosophize and write in the language; from there it flourished, reaching its zenith during the peaceful reign of Solomon, after which, with the disintegration of the Jewish state, it declined.

After the Jews the Greeks were the next to attain hegemony, a process that began with Orpheus and continued after the Trojan War with Homer and Hesiod, reaching its apogee at the time of Alexander the Great, when poets, orators, and philosophers gave the Greeks mastery of all the arts and sciences. With the dissolution of his empire, the Romans became their masters, and then simultaneously the Greek language began to dissipate and Latin to grow strong Latin had its childhood with the city's foundation, and began to flourish at the time of.

Livius Andronicus some five hundred years later. Thence it grew until the pax romana of Augustus, which was also the time of the birth of Christ, in a period of peace foretold by the prophets and prefigured by Solomon's own reign. Then flourished Cicero, Caesar, Lucretius, Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Livy, and all the others who followed until the time of Antoninus Pius, when the decline set in that ultimately resulted in the corrupt Latin of Nebrija's own day.

Nebrija employs these cycles from the past to establish a structure that he can apply to the situation of Spain. In view of that motive, the history he provides cannot be taken at face value, for it exists only to substantiate the pattern he wishes to defend. Thus, although his rhetoric is historical rather than metaphysical, the model he employs is essentially typological. He cites literary figures to support his argument of linguistic and cultural domination, and while avoiding theories of divine inspiration Moses and Orpheus are merely the first writers in their respective traditions , he echoes the trope of the translatio imperii along with its accompanying translatio studii.

This echo is particularly evident in his exposition of the transition from Greece to Rome, motivated by the dissipation of Alexander's empire, which in turn made possible the Roman conquest of Greece. At the same time, Nebrija extends the decline forward to his own day, so that the ancient traditions have not totally disappeared, though they have been corrupted. On the one hand, as the first nation to decay, they have sunk the farthest, and thus they serve as a warning to the Castilians, appropriate in the year of the expulsion.

On the other hand, Nebrija successfully privileges them: the reign of Solomon is the model for the reigns of Alexander and Augustus, and the Hebrew prophets are mentioned not at their pertinent historical moment but during his history of Rome. Contemporary Jews still awaiting a Messiah may not realize it, but the fulfillment of their history occurred precisely at the apogee of Roman military and cultural power.

It has reached its fullness in the reign of the present monarchs, through divine generosity but also because their diligent efforts have insured that the parts and members of Spain have been reunited. The subsequent religious purgation of Spain should guarantee its freedom from dissolution for hundreds of years; thus it is time for the arts of peace to flourish.

Yet Nebrija also employs this connection to modulate from the history of the rise of Castile to its threatened decline. Time is thus spatialized: the language of his Spanish contemporaries could be a foreign tongue to their descendants, and just as the decline of earlier empires had led to linguistic corruption and oblivion, the same thing could happen to Spain if the cycle were. Their majesties' chronicles and histories, written to ensure their immortality, would eventually expire along with the language, or survive weakened in translations.

Yet this decline need not occur, for the language has a champion in Nebrija, who has decided to regulate the Castilian tongue, so that whatever is written from then on may be of one kind, which can extend itself through time. The grammar will also help those wanting to learn Latin and, more importantly, foreigners wanting to learn Castilian.

Nebrija recalls how, when he presented a sample to the queen and she inquired about its utility, the bishop of Avila Hernando de Talavera, later first archbishop of Granada answered for him that as she subjected new lands to her yoke, foreigners would need to be able to read the laws she decreed. The extent of the empire Nebrija envisions is clear: not only Muslims in Africa will have to learn the language but also Basques, Navarrese, Frenchmen, and Italians. The key to Nebrija's concept of history is his notion that Castile is at a pivotal instant, which he links typologically to the rule of Solomon in Israel, Alexander in Greece, and Augustus in Rome.

Not all nations achieve this moment, and it has literally moved westward and arrived in Spain. It is the time when great empires come into their own, but also when they begin to decline; and while ordinarily political dominance is accompanied by cultural hegemony, in Spain's case the latter feature is lagging. Nebrija's grammar will facilitate the extension of the Spanish empire by allowing foreigners to learn the language, and its perpetuation by insuring that future generations will always be able to read it.

Yet although the thrust of Nebrija's argument is clear, his method is subtle in its equivocations. The nature and the workings of the cycle are ambiguous, for the argument is mythological rather than scientific, and only in the case of Rome's conquest of Greece does he suggest how dominance is passed on. Language change is invoked only in terms of decline, and Nebrija's philological explanation of how Spanish evolved from Latin, present in other parts of the grammar, is absent from the prologue. Moreover, in contrast to the quick succession of Greece and Rome, the fourteen-hundred-year lag between the latter and Spain begs a question about the regularity of the cycle, and the sense of belatedness is implicit in that Spain, supposedly at its peak, has nothing to rival classical and biblical literature.

Yet while a decline in Spanish fortunes would seem an imminent and inevitable feature of the cycle, Nebrija holds out an uncertain promise for the sovereigns: perhaps his grammar will assure their immortality by allowing future generations to read their history; perhaps it will possess an efficacy allowing the further extension of the Spanish empire, at the cost of the peace that marks the apogee.

Although Nebrija never invokes the argument over arms and letters, he implies an ambiguous role for the aristocracy, on the one hand continuing to extend Spain's rule over neighboring countries, on the other, wasting their precious leisure reading novels and stories for lack of better alternatives. The empire can be extended only if Nebrija is successful in regulating the language of all Spaniards, so his function as grammarian will parallel that of the nobility as warriors.

In rhetoric, style, and ideology the prologue stands apart from the rest of the grammar, for there is something nearly apocalyptic in Nebrija's attitude regarding the translatio , a suggestion that Spain may—perhaps because it is the westernmost European country—be its fulfillment and thus escape the fated decline.

Nebrija, instrumental in bringing the press to Salamanca, was surely aware of its capabilities for aiding the exercise of control over the national language. Yet such messianism is absent from the rest of the grammar, even from the special prologue to book 5, devoted to the teaching of Spanish to foreigners.

Moreover, throughout the grammar, but particularly in the chapter de-. Encina's Cancionero is notable in Spanish literary history as the first major published collection of secular poetry by a living author; his close links with Nebrija's circle in Salamanca suggest that Encina himself may have supervised the edition. The general prologue dedicates the entire book to the Catholic monarchs:. The ancient mythological poets say that Prometheus son of Iapetus, accustomed to making human bodies out of mud, rose to heaven with Minerva's help and took from the wheel of the sun some fire with which he gave life and soul to those bodies.

And so I, in this way, seeing myself in favor with the duke and duchess of Alba, my lords, rose to the heights of contemplating your excellencies by reaching just a spark of your splendor, so as to introduce vital spirits into my dead labor of mud. In this opening image, masterfully analyzed by Andrews 85—91 , Encina exhibits the combination of obsequiousness and arrogance,. By the repetition of the word "favor," his current patrons are reduced to types of Minerva, boosting him up to heaven, with which the monarchs are identified, while he associates his work of poetic creation with Prometheus's divine creation of life.

As Andrews notes, "The exaltation of the King and Queen is not 'free,' but is intermeshed with considerations of personal import. As one who has contemplated their excellence, who has tapped the moving force of their effective virtue and who has handled a flash of their brightness, Encina enters the realm of the select servants of their divine magnificence" The message is clear: if they patronize him, only greater glory both for him and for them will ensue. Yet the prologue is also permeated with a fear of rejection, expressed in what Andrews called "a humility almost without modesty" 90 , and in warnings about "detratores y maldizientes" detractors and gossips, 1.

These psychological themes, in particular a love-hate relationship with the nobility coupled with a fear of slanderers, pervade many of the works in the volume. Nebrija, despite a reliance on aristocratic patronage, was ultimately a technocrat, offering philological skills to the monarchs whom he proposed to serve. Like Nebrija, Encina proposes to ameliorate the quality of Spanish literature; but while the former had aimed to improve what was available for the nobility's consumption during its moments of leisure, the latter proposes to make poetry an aristocratic activity by regulating that leisure.

Thus the aristocratic poet must embrace poetic work instead of military and governmental tasks. Yet Encina does not picture this departure as a radical one, for he describes Prince John, the son of the Catholic monarchs to whom the "Arte" is dedicated, as raised in the lap of sweet philosophy, favoring the ingenuity of his subjects, and inciting them to knowledge with himself as the example 1.

Thus Encina links the abundance of ocio back to the typological role of the kings, earlier exploited by Nebrija. With false modesty, Encina promises the prince that if he desires,. Having established this didactic aim and connected it to the historical moment, Encina describes yet another reason for writing the work. Specifically recalling Nebrija's attempts to reform the language through a printed set of rules, he presents his own efforts as a parallel:.

Believing our poetry and manner of verse never to have been at such a height, it seemed to me a useful thing to codify it and place it under rules and laws, so that no passage of time can cause it to be forgotten. To reinforce the danger of oblivion, Encina declares that while previous Spanish poets may have surpassed his contemporaries, he is ignorant of their work. Instead he offers a history of poetry, beginning with its divine origin as understood by the Greeks and as evidenced in the Bible. The former attributed its origins to Apollo, Mercury, Bacchus, and the Muses, while much of the Old Testament was written in verse, and in view of the anteriority of the Hebrews to the Greeks, Moses can rightly be called the first poet see Curtius, —46, — Encina also cites generals who exhorted their troops by means of speeches in verse and recalls how Orpheus moved stones with his poetry, how other poets had their lives spared because of their verses, and the high esteem both Greeks and Romans had for their poets.

This historical discussion of the origins of ancient poetry ends with an account of meter and rhyme in ancient Christian hymnody, which Encina sees as the genesis of modern vernacular poetry; but he asserts that the Spanish received it only through the mediation of the Italians:.

Moreover, it seems clear that in the Italian language were poets much more ancient than those in our own, such as Dante and Francis Petrarch and other notable men who came before and after, from whom many of ours took a great quantity of singular ideas, which theft, as. Virgil says, should not be criticized but is worthy of much praise, when it is gallantly made from one language into another. Thus we may conclude that verse drew its strength in Italy, and from there was broadcast and sown in Spain, where I now believe it flourishes more than in any other place.

With this transition to the modern Italians, who pass the art of poetizing on to the Spanish, Encina also modulates into the notions of belatedness and of the translatio. Once again there is a gap between ancient Rome and Spain, only this time it is partly filled with Christian hymns and with Dante and Petrarch. As in Nebrija, culture is linked to empire, and to effect the translatio Spanish poets literally have to sack or rob their Italian predecessors, carrying the booty back to Spain.

This action is justified with an indirect and pseudo- Virgilian quotation, which also reinforces the link between Rome and Spain first established through the allusion to Cicero that opened the "Arte. Italy was the source of Spanish poetry, but by fertilizing Spain, Italy lost potency. Now it is the Spanish who are on the ascent, but they must compete with the prior Italian achievement in order to surpass it and at the same time regulate their own art in order to assure its comprehension by future generations.

Having justified the work in terms of a larger historical vision, Encina now turns to more immediate didactic ends, and here the discussion of poetry changes from the mythical accounts of its origin to more familiar Horatian precepts. He defends, by appealing to the examples of Horace and Quintilian, the need for an arte , a. Indeed, drawing on the contrast between composer and performer, geometer and stonemason, he argues for a distinction between the poeta and the trobador: the former term is reserved only for those who have studied and are conscious of the quantitative rules of poetry on this distinction see Weiss, Ever aware of his royal audience, Encina even here attempts to couch his argument in ways that would appeal to the nobility, extending the analogy to include lord and slave, captain and soldier.

He warns that the distinction is not much observed in Spain, and while he himself sometimes neglects it, the point is an important one, for in contrast to the confidence in the opening chapter about the position of Spanish letters, we now get a sense of confusion, of the need for rules and, even more, for the public recognition of rules. They must be acknowledged by the talented, and are best nurtured by reading:. He should exercise himself by reading poets and historians not only in our language but also in Latin; and, as Quintilian says, not only read them but discuss their style and ideas and figures, for there is nothing the poet will read that he will not take advantage of for that abundance which is necessary to him.

Most of the rest of the treatise is taken up with technical matters, such as meter, line lengths, and the like. The fundamental unit of verse is the line, or pie , composed of either eight or twelve syllables respectively, arte real and arte mayor. Encina also discusses the division of arte mayor into hemistichs, the use of pies quebrados four-syllable half-lines , and the rules for consonant and assonant rhyme.

He admits the possibility of rhyming proverbio with sobervio rhyme is based on sound, not orthography , and advises against internal and repetitious rhymes. Lines of verse may be gathered into units of two, three, or more; only those units with at least four lines may. Thus here, as in Nebrija's grammar, there is a distinction between the visionary rhetoric of the preface and the body of the work itself.

Encina's rules, centered on syllable count, reflect an aural conception of poetry, but also an attempt to apply to poetry those mathematical forms of analysis which make music and geometry part of the quadrivium. The examples from Mena justify Encina's rules see Andrews, —73, nn. As such, study of the "Arte" trains not only poets but also readers who will be properly appreciative of Encina's own work. The chapter on poetic colors is mostly concerned with rules for adapting words to fit the meter, and with complex rhyme schemes. Encina thus emphasizes melopoeic devices, while figures such as metonymy and metaphor are scarcely mentioned, for as they are not unique to poetry, they belong to the more general fields of rhetoric and grammar.

Encina is not ambivalent about the social status of poetry: he regards it as an aristocratic activity, a talent that only the man of leisure can afford to cultivate. Yet the very notion of devoting leisure time exclusively to literary pursuits reflects Encina's professional situation and is antithetical to the Spanish nobleman's concept of himself. Moreover, he never seems quite convinced of the superiority of Spanish letters. Spaniards may be, via the Italians, the heirs to Greece and Rome, but they are not really as accomplished; and just as the Romans, at the height of their powers, needed handbooks of poetry and rhetoric, so too the Spanish must have them.

In the treatise Encina attempts to come to terms with the legacy of the past, both antiquity and, more immediately, the Italians. He thus stands at a crux, on the one hand ignoring save for Juan de Mena the poetical accomplishments of medieval Spain, much of them already in print, on the other hand citing Dante and Petrarch as poets from whom the Spanish have learned a great deal.

Yet Encina does not slight traditional Spanish forms, and whatever the influence of Dante and Petrarch may have been, he makes no mention of sonnets. Indeed, as Rico has shown, the traces of Petrarch in fifteenth-century Spanish poetry are primarily linguistic and decorative, while only Santillana wrote sonnets. Spanish belatedness as a national cultural problem thus arises toward the end of the fifteenth century, and its appearance at that time is related to a number of roughly coinciding developments, including the introduction of printing, national unification and purgation, and greater Spanish intervention in Italy The basic text for Spanish belatedness and alterity is the prologue to Nebrija's Spanish grammar; employing the trope of the translatio , Nebrija demonstrates how the great civilizations of the past attained their apogee at a moment of peace, when culture also flourished.

He finds contemporary Spain at that point in its military history, but culture lags and deterioration threatens to set in: if it does, the achievements of his day will be forgotten. With his grammar he hopes to redress that lag and perhaps even deliver Spain from the previously inevitable decline. As each successive generation continues to perceive a cultural inferiority to Italy, the translatio , which Encina saw occurring in his own day, is successively postponed, and Petrarch's status—for Encina merely proverbial—becomes ever more significant.

Encina tries to elevate the status of poetry by tying it to a theory of aristocratic leisure and associating it with the quantitative study of the quadrivium; while his rules for poets are primarily melopoeic, his conception of literary history opens the way for the transformations of the next years. My approach to Spanish Renaissance lyric is based on an understanding of Renaissance cultural belatedness as elaborated by examining Petrarch and Bembo, and then contextualized by reference to.

These strictly literary determinations are leavened with a consideration of the social and historical environment in which the poetry was written and read. The significance of the social context is strongest in the earlier chapters, which cover the time during which the link between Petrarchism and the Spanish empire is being forged; it diminishes later as that link becomes more and more residual. My emphasis is on those poets who were most self-conscious of the conflicts between their roles as imitators of Petrarch and their desire for national and individual priority. The historical and theoretical importance of less-canonized poets such as Gutierre de Cetina and Francisco de la Torre is an interesting problem in its own right, but not one that concerns us here.

John of the Cross, on whom Petrarchism was an important but secondary influence; and Lope de Vega, whose Petrarchist lyric is not at the center of his literary production. My approach does however entail a consideration of poetic theory along with poetic texts. Not until the end of the Renaissance did poetic theory attain in Spain the status of an autonomous discourse see Terracini, Lingua , —25 , and systematic preceptive poetics were antithetical to the courtly aesthetics associated with Petrarchism in Spain see Elias Rivers, "L'humanisme linguistique" and chapter 2, below.

Most often, Petrarchist poetic theory was expressed in the form of paratexts on the poetry itself, particularly prefaces and commentaries, and nearly all of the poets I consider either wrote such paratexts or were the objects of others' paratextual production. By using Curtius and Bloom to elaborate a theory of cultural belatedness, we not only apply twentieth-century theory to early mod-. Bloom, a close reader of Curtius, whose work he calls "the best study of literary tradition I have ever read" Map , 32 , considers belatedness a "recurrent malaise of Western consciousness" 77 and distinguishes psychopoetic belatedness from the cultural belatedness of the Renaissance 77— To Bloom, "reading, when active and interesting, is not less aggressive than sexual desire, or than social ambition, or professional drive" Breaking , 13 , as the act of reading forces a confrontation over the lack of priority, particularly on poets who are in competition with their predecessors.

Yet while the romantic poets on whom Bloom concentrates could attempt to disguise their predecessors, Renaissance poets had canons that determined their models, and as a result compounded their psychopoetic and cultural belatedness. For me Bloom himself serves a heuristic purpose, which brings several advantages. The first is that his once-exotic critical terms have passed into common use, allowing one to describe Petrarch's belatedness the section on Bembo and Petrarch, above , Garcilaso's metalepsis chapter 3 , Quevedo's clinamen chapter 5 , and the like by analogy, without positing a pathological diagnosis.

Second, Bloom's theory of poetic agon resonates in two important directions. One of them is what Pigman calls eristic imitation or emulation, in which "the model, without whose help any progress is impossible. While Pigman makes a good case for the presence of three kinds of imitation in the theorists he studies, only agonistic emulation held out, for Spaniards, the possibility of surpassing Italian hegemony.

Bloom's theory also resonates with Bakhtin's investigation of the relation between imitation and polyphony. Development of a Bakhtinian approach to the lyric has been somewhat stymied by the Russian theorist's conception of lyric poetry as a "straightforward" genre, incapable of being truly polyphonic Dialogic Imagination , 49—50; see also Todorov, 63— But in Problems of Dostoevsky's Poetics , Bakhtin, while not specifically addressing the question of lyric poetry, takes up the question of how imitation can lead to polyphony or intertextuality. To Bakhtin, mere stylization or nonagonistic imitation of the type recognizable by a specialist does not make a discourse polyphonic Problems , — Bakhtin goes on to explain how this is different from ordinary imitation, wherein the other's voice, while taken seriously, is not heard as an other but is merged with the author's own voice.

Dal mio verziere : saggi di polemica e di critica by Jolanda

In parody. The second voice, once having made its home in the other's discourse, clashes hostilely with its primordial host and forces him to serve directly opposing aims. In parody therefore, there cannot be that fusion of voices possible in stylization.

Bakhtin limits polyphony to what he calls parody, but as Linda Hutcheon notes, the historical phenomenon that most closely and most consistently approximates theoretical parody is Renaissance imitation, which, like parody, "offered a workable and effective stance toward the past in its paradoxical strategy of repetition as a source of freedom. Its incorporation of another work as a deliberate and acknowledged construct is structurally similar to parody's formal organization" Admittedly the relationship among Bloom's notion of poetic agon, Renaissance ideas about emulation, and the.

Bakhtinian theory of parody is not one of identity but one of affinity. Still, consideration of these related phenomena allows us to qualify and to historicize Bloom's model, better adapting it to our own purpose. Rather, she argues for a pragmatic approach that considers both the encoder and the interpreter 22—23 , as well as the parodists' double role as both interpreter of the original and encoder of the new sign. Here again there is a family resemblance with Bloom's notion of poetic misprision.

Furthermore, by emphasizing the historical process of reading and writing, Bloom also enables us to write something approximating a narrative history, albeit an idiosyncratic one. In addition to the ones already described, there are further points of contact between Renaissance and modern theory, and between formalism and historicism; one, as Kennedy argued Rhetorical.

Norms , 1—3, 16—18 , is the reader as an implied, fictionalized entity Ong , as a hermeneutic principle Gadamer, Jauss , and as a phenomenological reality Ingarden. Kennedy argues against a strict adherence to formalist and structuralist notions of literature as a closed system, but agrees that it is only within the context of historically specific horizons of expectations that readers and poets appropriate other texts.