Unlike many other forms of faith, Protestantism has no mystical rite to absolve sin. Protestant Germany did prosper, but not because of theology or psychology. Protestants wanted boys and girls to be able to read the Bible; higher literacy led to faster development. But for a given level of education, Protestants and Catholics did equally well.
Besides, the Catholic bits of Germany such as Bavaria are the richest. South Koreans both in their homeland and as migrants to America often convert from Buddhism to Protestantism as they rise economically. All this may reflect the fact that some kinds of Protestantism like many strains of Islam sit easily with a disciplined, reflective way of life. It would be odd if that had no economic effects. But many attempts to link doctrine and economics have run up against exceptions and better explanations. In the Ottoman empire and in some post-Ottoman places , Christian and Jewish minorities flourished in business.
Does that imply winking at misdeeds? Possibly—but then try explaining why Greek-Americans, who are at least as devout as their motherland kin, do so very well in business, education and public service. Of course, none of this proves anything about how Muslim beliefs make people behave. Like all great religions, Islam is a complex system of beliefs, and people usually emphasise the features which appeal to them.
If that is true, then modern Turkey may provide a uniquely favourable arena: secular law combined with the diligence and sobriety in several senses of Muslim Calvinists. He thinks the poor-ish showing of Muslim businessmen reflects Hindu practices that allow the build-up of family wealth, while Islam dissipates it by mandating legacies to distant kin. This gap emerged under the Raj, and seems to persist in modern India where different faiths still use different family law. One problem, says Mr Kuran, is that religiously-inspired institutions change more slowly than religious dogma.
Even text-based creeds, based on one-off divine revelation, can be quite flexible in reacting to new economic circumstances. But the world of Islam, in his view, has been held back by institutions like the waqf, a sort of Islamic charity which people sometimes use to create jobs for their families. Las protestas anti bancarias de este mes en Londres encontraron al principio una acogida amistosa para su campamento en la catedral de Saint Paul.
Puede que todo esto refleje que algunos tipos de protestantismo, al igual que muchas variantes del islamismo, le convienen al modo de vida reflexivo y disciplinado. Por supuesto que esto no prueba nada sobre la manera como las creencias musulmanas hacen que se comporte la gente.hapredwa.pro/165.php
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The economy expanded by 7. But four years later that promise has disappeared. Under Ms Rousseff the economy has stalled and social progress has slowed. In June over a million Brazilians took to the streets to protest against poor public services and political corruption. Ever since the protests the polls have shown that two-thirds of respondents want the next president to be different. In the event she secured That is mainly because most Brazilians have not yet felt the economic chill in their daily lives—though they soon will.
If Brazil is to avoid another four years of drift, it is vital that he succeeds in doing so. Two months ago the third-placed candidate, Eduardo Campos, died in a plane crash on his way to a rally. His former running-mate and replacement, Marina Silva, surged into the lead in the polls. But attractive though her lack of a political machine might have seemed, it was a liability. Faced with sometimes underhand attacks from Ms Rousseff, Ms Silva wobbled. It did not help that she is an evangelical Protestant in what is still a largely Catholic country. These are real achievements.
But alongside them are bigger, but less palpable, failures, both on the economy and in politics. The troubled world economy and the end of the great commodity boom see article have hurt Brazil. But it has fared worse than its Latin American neighbours. She has damaged both Petrobras, the state oil company, and the ethanol industry by holding down the price of petrol to mitigate the inflationary impact of her loose fiscal policy.
A bribery scandal in Petrobras underlines that it is the PT, and not its opponents as Ms Rousseff claims, who cannot be trusted with what was once a national jewel. No wonder the government has been unable to find the extra money for health care and transport that the protesters demanded. For the past 12 years Lula, who still has the ear of the poor, has caricatured the PSDB as a party of heartless fat cats. He promises to put the country back on the path of economic growth.
His record, and that of his party, makes his claim credible. He did so largely by cutting bureaucracy. He has an impressive team of advisers led by Arminio Fraga, a former Central Bank governor who is respected by investors. As well as a return to sound macroeconomic policies, his team promise to slash the number of ministries, make Congress more accountable to voters, simplify the tax system and boost private investment in infrastructure. Mr Neves deserves to win. He has fought a dogged campaign and proved that he can make his economic policies work.
With luck the endorsement of Ms Silva, a former PT member born in poverty, should bolster his case. Brazil needs growth and better government. Mr Neves is likelier to deliver these than Ms Rousseff is. Por lo que era de esperar que hubiese perdido Rousseff en la primera vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales el 5 de octubre pasado. Cuando enfrentaba los ataques a veces solapados de Rousseff, Silva trastabillaba.
Visor de obras.
Son logros reales. Pero le ha ido peor que a sus vecinos latinoamericanos. Su trayectoria, y la de su partido, le otorgan credibilidad. Posee un equipo impresionante de consejeros liderados por Arminio Fraga, antiguo presidente del Banco Central, y respetado por los inversionistas. Neves merece ganar. El Brasil necesita crecimiento y un gobierno mejor. As our special report this week explains, firms of all types are harnessing AI to forecast demand, hire workers and deal with customers.
Such grandiose forecasts kindle anxiety as well as hope. Many fret that AI could destroy jobs faster than it creates them. Barriers to entry from owning and generating data could lead to a handful of dominant firms in every industry. Using AI, managers can gain extraordinary control over their employees. Amazon has patented a wristband that tracks the hand movements of warehouse workers and uses vibrations to nudge them into being more efficient. Workday, a software firm, crunches around 60 factors to predict which employees will leave.
Humanyze, a startup, sells smart ID badges that can track employees around the office and reveal how well they interact with colleagues. Surveillance at work is nothing new. Factory workers have long clocked in and out; bosses can already see what idle workers do on their computers. But AI makes ubiquitous surveillance worthwhile, because every bit of data is potentially valuable.
Few laws govern how data are collected at work, and many employees unguardedly consent to surveillance when they sign their employment contract. Where does all this lead? Trust and telescreens Start with the benefits. AI ought to improve productivity. Slack, a workplace messaging app, helps managers assess how quickly employees accomplish tasks. Companies will see when workers are not just dozing off but also misbehaving.
They are starting to use AI to screen for anomalies in expense claims, flagging receipts from odd hours of the night more efficiently than a carbon-based beancounter can. Employees will gain, too. Thanks to strides in computer vision, AI can check that workers are wearing safety gear and that no one has been harmed on the factory floor. Some will appreciate more feedback on their work and welcome a sense of how to do better.
Machines can help ensure that pay rises and promotions go to those who deserve them. That starts with hiring. People often have biases but algorithms, if designed correctly, can be more impartial. Software can flag patterns that people might miss. Algorithms will pick up differences in pay between genders and races, as well as sexual harassment and racism that human managers consciously or unconsciously overlook.
Algorithms may not be free of the biases of their programmers. They can also have unintended consequences. The length of a commute may predict whether an employee will quit a job, but this focus may inadvertently harm poorer applicants. Older staff might work more slowly than younger ones and could risk losing their positions if all AI looks for is productivity. And surveillance may feel Orwellian—a sensitive matter now that people have begun to question how much Facebook and other tech giants know about their private lives.
Companies are starting to monitor how much time employees spend on breaks. Veriato, a software firm, goes so far as to track and log every keystroke employees make on their computers in order to gauge how committed they are to their company. Tracking the trackers Some people are better placed than others to stop employers going too far. If your skills are in demand, you are more likely to be able to resist than if you are easy to replace.
Paid-by-the-hour workers in low-wage industries such as retailing will be especially vulnerable. Even then, the choice in some jobs will be between being replaced by a robot or being treated like one. As regulators and employers weigh the pros and cons of AI in the workplace, three principles ought to guide its spread.
First, data should be anonymised where possible. Microsoft, for example, has a product that shows individuals how they manage their time in the office, but gives managers information only in aggregated form. Second, the use of AI ought to be transparent. Employees should be told what technologies are being used in their workplaces and which data are being gathered. As a matter of routine, algorithms used by firms to hire, fire and promote should be tested for bias and unintended consequences.
Last, countries should let individuals request their own data, whether they are ex-workers wishing to contest a dismissal or jobseekers hoping to demonstrate their ability to prospective employers. The march of AI into the workplace calls for trade-offs between privacy and performance. A fairer, more productive workforce is a prize worth having, but not if it shackles and dehumanises employees. Striking a balance will require thought, a willingness for both employers and employees to adapt, and a strong dose of humanity. En las empresas invirtieron cerca de USD Los supervisores que usen la IA van a tener un control extraordinario sobre sus empleados.
La vigilancia en el trabajo no es reciente. Son escasas las leyes que rigen la manera como los datos se obtienen en el ambiente laboral: muchos empleados aceptan ser vigilados sin saber lo que firman cuando son contratados. Confianza y telepantallas Comencemos con las ventajas.
Monseñor Óscar A. Romero. Su diario
La IA debe incrementar la productividad. A pesar de sus beneficios, la IA tiene un potencial de problemas. En segundo lugar, el uso de la IA debe ser transparente. The Economist sept. They understood that the UK, and all its collective trials and achievements—the industrial revolution, the Empire, victory over the Nazis, the welfare state—were as much a part of their patrimony as the Scottish Highlands or English cricket. They knew, instinctively, that these concentric rings of identity were complementary, not opposed.
At least, they used to. After the referendum on Scottish independence on September 18th, one of those layers—the UK—may cease to exist, at least in the form recognisable since the Act of Union three centuries ago. More and more Scots are deciding that the UK, which their soldiers, statesmen, philosophers and businessmen have done so much to build and ornament, does not cradle their Scottishness but smothers it. That outcome, once unthinkable, would be bad for Scotland and tragic for what remained of the UK. The damage a split would do The rump of Britain would be diminished in every international forum: why should anyone heed a country whose own people shun it?
Since Britain broadly stands for free trade and the maintenance of international order, this would be bad for the world. The prospect of a British exit from the EU would scare investors much more than a possible Scottish exit from Britain see article. The people of Scotland alone will decide the future of Britain, and they are not obliged to worry about what becomes of the state they would leave. At the heart of the nationalist campaign is the claim that Scotland would be a more prosperous and more equal country if it went solo. It is rich in oil and inherently decent, say the nationalists, but impoverished by a government in Westminster that has also imposed callous policies.
They blame successive British governments for almost every ill that has befallen Scotland, from the decline of manufacturing industry to ill-health to the high price of sending parcels in the Highlands. If Westminster has not reversed all the deleterious effects of globalisation and technology, that is because to do so is impossible. To break up a country over such small, recent annoyances would be nuts. Scotland would not, in fact, be richer alone. But oil revenues are erratic. If an independent state were to smooth these fluctuations by setting up an oil fund, it would have less cash to spend now.
In any case, the oil is gradually running out. In order to maintain state spending after it is gone, taxes would have to rise. And a crunch might come much sooner. Foreign investors and big businesses that mostly serve English customers could well move south. It might relent, but only if Scotland agrees to such strict oversight that independence ends up meaning little.
They are far too sanguine. If Scotland goes, the rest of Britain will be furious, both at the Scots and at their own leaders, who will be impelled to drive a hard bargain. Mr Salmond is on stronger ground when he argues that if Scotland does not leave Britain it might be dragged out of the EU against its will.
This is indeed a danger, but in going independent Scotland would swap the possibility of an EU exit for a certain future as a small, vulnerable country. Its best hope of remaining influential is to stay put, and fight the Eurosceptics. A lot to lose In the end the referendum will turn not on calculations of taxes and oil revenue, but on identity and power.
The idea that Scots can shape their own destiny, both at the referendum and afterwards, is exhilarating. Moreover, as Westminster politicians of all stripes have hastily made clear, if Scotland votes No, the devolved administration will soon get so much clout that the practical difference between staying in the union and leaving it will narrow.
That would also lead to the distribution of power away from Westminster and to other bits of Britain, which should have happened long ago. So by staying in, Scots will not just save the union but enhance it, as they have for years. For the UK, with all its triumphs and eccentricities, belongs to Scots as much as it does to the English—even if increasing numbers of them seem ready to disown that glorious, hard-earned heritage, and to simplify their identities by stripping out one of those concentric rings.
That goes against both the spirit of this fluid century—in which most people have multiple identities, whether of place, ethnicity or religion—and the evidence of the preceding three. For all its tensions and rivalries, and sometimes because of them, the history of the union shows that the Scots, Welsh, English and Northern Irish are stronger, more tolerant and more imaginative together than they would be apart. Dice que los laboristas y los conservadores desprecian igualmente a los escoceses.
El Sr. Y sin embargo ya Escocia controla la mayor parte de sus asuntos; sin embargo el Partido Nacionalista del Sr. English to Spanish: Emerging economies Hold the catch-up General field: Social Sciences Detailed field: Economics Source text - English Emerging economies Hold the catch-up Incomes in the developing world are no longer speeding toward those in the rich Sep 13th From the print edition THE financial crisis was grim, but the most important global economic development in the early 21st century was a positive one: the dramatic acceleration of growth in the emerging world.
Between and output per person in poor countries excluding China grew an average of 3. Global poverty rates tumbled. Unfortunately, the era of rapid catch-up already seems to be over see article. Growth has fallen sharply in many emerging economies. In their output per person, on average, grew just 1. At that pace convergence would take more than a century.
And the growth outlook is darkening further. The political and economic consequences of this slow-down in convergence will be profound.
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Billions of people will be poorer for a lot longer than they might have expected just a few years ago. Companies that bet on vibrant emerging markets as the main source of future profits will need a new strategy. A lot therefore rides on understanding why growth has slowed, and how to speed it up once more. But strip away the effects of the business cycle and the one-offs, and there are several reasons why the pace of catch-up is likely to be permanently slower. One is that the boom in the s was to some extent a one-off itself.
And China cannot industrialise itself from scratch again. On top of that there are signs that the march of technology may be making it harder to catch up. A standard route for poor countries to become wealthier is low-skill, labour-intensive manufacturing. Growth rates soar as people move from the land and into factories to sew T-shirts or assemble toys. Wages in manufacturing tend to catch up faster and more completely than in other sectors.
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But in the 21st-century digital economy, basic manufacturing is becoming less important. The assembly of goods adds less value than the design and engineering work at which rich countries excel. Technology has made manufacturing less labour-intensive, giving firms less incentive to seek out cheap labour in poor countries. If catch-up is harder than a decade ago, it is not impossible.
The basic laws of economics—that poorer countries with less capital ought to grow faster than rich ones—still hold. But prospering in a knowledge-based, increasingly digital, global economy will demand a broader reform agenda. Freeing trade is as important as ever, but barriers must now be lowered in services as well as goods.
Education becomes even more vital if emerging economies cannot count on moving barely literate workers from fields to factories. The roads, railways and ports that were essential to fast growth in the manufacturing era will remain essential, but adequate infrastructure will have to include reliable broadband and mobile coverage too.
Because both services and knowledge industries are concentrated in cities, urban policy will matter more. In some places that is already happening. Others, from Turkey to Indonesia, are still complacent. Regaining momentum will not be easy, but countries that are not prepared to change do not stand a chance. Apetito por las reformas Algunas de las debilidades actuales son temporales.
Sin embargo China no puede volver a industrializarse desde cero otra vez. En algunas partes ello ocurre ya. This has sometimes been ignored: Deng himself acted the despot in times of crisis. He has become the most powerful Chinese ruler certainly since Deng, and possibly since Mao. Whether this is good or bad for China depends on how Mr Xi uses his power.
Mao pushed China to the brink of social and economic collapse, and Deng steered it on the right economic path but squandered a chance to reform it politically. If Mr Xi used his power to reform the way power works in China, he could do his country great good. So far, the signs are mixed. Taking on the party It may well be that the decision to promote Mr Xi as a single personality at the expense of the group was itself a collective one.
Some in China have been hankering for a strongman; a politician who would stamp out corruption, reverse growing inequalities and make the country stand tall abroad a task Mr Xi has been taking up with relish—seearticle. So have many foreign businessfolk, who want a leader who would smash the monopolies of a bloated state sector and end years of dithering over economic reforms. However the decision came about, Mr Xi has grabbed it and run with it. He has taken charge of secretive committees responsible for reforming government, overhauling the armed forces, finance and cyber-security.
His campaign against corruption is the most sweeping in decades. The generals, wisely, bow to him: earlier this year state newspapers published pages of expressions of loyalty to him by military commanders. He is the first leader to employ a big team to build his public profile. But he also has a flair for it—thanks to his stature in a height-obsessed country he would tower over all his predecessors except Mao , his toughness and his common touch.
One moment he is dumpling-eating with the masses, the next riding in a minibus instead of the presidential limousine. He is now more popular than any leader since Mao see article. All of this helps Mr Xi in his twofold mission. His first aim is to keep the economy growing fast enough to stave off unrest, while weaning it off an over-dependence on investment in property and infrastructure that threatens to mire it in debt. Mr Xi made a promising start last November, when he declared that market forces would play a decisive role not even Deng had the courage to say that.
There have since been encouraging moves, such as giving private companies bigger stakes in sectors that were once the exclusive preserve of state-owned enterprises, and selling shares in firms owned by local governments to private investors. Mr Xi has also started to overhaul the household-registration system, a legacy of the Mao era that makes it difficult for migrants from the countryside to settle permanently in cities.
He has relaxed the one-child-per-couple policy, a Deng-era legacy that has led to widespread abuses. The latest data suggest the economy is cooling more rapidly than the government had hoped see article. Much will depend on how far he gets with the second, harder, part of his mission: establishing the rule of law. The question is whether Mr Xi is prepared for the law to apply to everyone, without fear or favour. His drive against corruption suggests that the answer is a qualified no. The campaign is characterised by a Maoist neglect of institutions.
It has succeeded in instilling fear among officials, but has done little to deal with the causes of graft: an investigative mechanism that is controlled entirely by the party itself, a secret system of appointments to official positions in which loyalty often trumps honesty and controls on free speech that allow the crooked to silence their critics. Mr Xi needs to set up an independent body to fight corruption, instead of leaving the job to party investigators and the feuding factions they serve. He should also require officials to declare all sources of income, property and other assets.
Instead, he has been rounding up activists calling for such changes almost as vigorously as he has been confronting corruption. In the absence of legal reform, he risks becoming a leader of the old stripe, who pursues vendettas in the name of fighting wrongdoers. That will have two consequences: there will be a new wave of corruption, and resentments among the party elite will, at some point, erupt. Mr Xi is making some of the right noises. Reforms are being tinkered with to make local courts less beholden to local governments. The party should stop meddling in the appointment of judges and, indeed, of legislators.
The effect of such reforms would be huge. They would signal a willingness by the party to begin loosening its monopoly of power and accepting checks and balances. Deng once said that economic reform would fail without political reform. He should use his enormous power for the greatest good, and change the system. Todo lo cual le apoya a Xi en sus dos misiones. Xi igualmente ha comenzado a actualizar el sistema de registro de hogares, que es una reliquia de la era de Mao que pone trabas a quienes desean mudarse del campo a la ciudad. Xi suena bien algunas veces.
Dice que desea que los tribunales le ayuden a "enjaular al poder. The government insists it has the means and the will to pay foreign bondholders. Few observers expect it to miss the deadline. Even if it stays current on its financial dues, Venezuela is behind on other bills. Using an overvalued official rate means that the country is not making as much money as it could: the fiscal deficit reached Even worse than inflation is scarcity. The central bank stopped publishing monthly scarcity figures earlier this year, but independent estimates suggest that more than a third of basic goods are missing from the shelves.
According to Freddy Ceballos, president of the federation of pharmacies Fefarven , six out of every ten medicines are unavailable. The list runs from basic painkillers, such as paracetamol, to treatments for cancer and HIV. One unexpected side-effect has been a sharp increase in demand for coconut water, which Venezuelans normally buy to mix with whisky.
Nowadays it is sought out more for its supposed anti-viral and anti-bacterial properties. Unable to obtain what they need through normal channels, people are having to improvise. Those lucky enough to have friends or relatives abroad arrange for emergency relief. The mess is a reflection not just of import-dependence and a shortage of dollars, but also the mismanagement of domestic industry. Some food producers have been nationalised; price controls often leave manufacturers operating at a loss.
Some price rises have recently been authorised, but manufacturers say it is impossible to maintain normal output with such stop-go policies. The prospects for a change of course are gloomy. Bondholders may well keep getting paid. Al cierre del segundo trimestre las cuentas por pagar comerciales de Venezuela sobrepasan los El gobierno insiste en que tiene los medios y la voluntad de pagarle a los tenedores de bonos internacionales. Pocos observadores esperan que ocurra lo contrario. Aun cuando Venezuela siga solvente con sus obligaciones financieras, ya se encuentra en mora con otras deudas.
Testimonios que llegan de todas partes y, sobre todo, del pueblo que me toca orientar. Y que todo esto me da aliento para seguir en mi trabajo pastoral como lo llevo. Se cantaba la solemne segunda Misa pontifical de Perozzi. Un momento para reflexionar y entusiasmarse y ser un humilde fiel servidor de la Iglesia. Me dio mucho gusto sentirme uno de aquellos cristianos que venidos de diversas naciones del mundo esperan con tanta ansia ver al Papa. Los dos son patronos de Roma. Visita a San Pedro.
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A pesar de regresar a mi patria, siento nostalgia dejar Roma. Roma es hogar para el que tiene fe y tiene sentido de Iglesia. Roma es la patria de todos los cristianos. A todas estas comunidades he tenido el gusto de llevarles, personalmente, saludos de sus propios religiosos que viven en Roma.
Dijo que aunque ella no era cristiana Lo golpearon y lo han dado por desaparecido. Fue una experiencia sumamente rica de fervor. El tema de estudio fue la Tercera Carta Pastoral. La Catedral estaba llena completamente de religiosas y fieles. Hubo una acogida entusiasta, popular. Me condujeron al templo donde celebramos la Santa Misa con un lleno completo del templo.
He admirado la lealtad de estos sacerdotes y laicos que prestan tan valioso servicio al Arzobispo. Una misa ofrecida en sufragio por los dos campesinos asesinados, que fueron encontrados cerca de la carretera de Apulo. Commonplaceness as a Difficult Situation for Man. On the Significance of Animate Form. Heart Transplantation. Analyzing Images of the Future.
Teltcharova-Kourenkova, E. Plekhanov, S. Phenomenological Psychopathology of Interpersonal Communications. On Human Alienation. La Profundidad. Intersubjective Communication and Psycho-Impairment.