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On the other hand, the commanderies provided the subsistence of the Knights living there, which means they had a function not far from that of a fief. Usually these commanderies were established after a significant donation and became richer due to further donations. The commandery in Fribourg was founded in the years before and belonged to the German tongue and the priory of Germany, both subdivisions of the order. After , only priests of the Order obtained the commandery as sustentation.

It was the last commandery of the German tongue that still existed. The main building of the commandery in Fribourg was erected at the beginning of the fourteenth century and extended during the following centuries. Around the middle of this century, the perimeter wall of the commandery and an adjoining building were constructed.

At the end of the seventeenth century, the commandery was further extended. After the abolishment of the commandery, the buildings served as a prison, as a dormitory for students and as military barracks. In , the mayor, town council and citizens of Fribourg committed an extended parcel of land to the Order of Saint John. Before this donation, the Order possessed a house and a chapel in the Auge district on the other side of the River Sarine.

At this time, the new parcel was situated outside the town walls. However, the donators attached conditions to their gift. The Order of Saint John promised to build and maintain a church, a graveyard and a hospice on this parcel. Furthermore, two inventories written at the end of the Middle Ages shed light on the daily life of the Knights Hospitallers with regard to their functions and duties.

According to the statutes of the Order, after the death of a commander, the spolium had to be paid. This spolium consisted of the equivalent of a fifth of the movable belongings found in the commandery. The context of the second inventory is slightly different.

The Order recommended that its Knights settle their affairs before they undertook a dangerous journey or when they were sick. Commander Peter of Englisberg left Fribourg in in order to travel to Rhodes, where he stayed for a long while. The obligation to pastoral care for the people in Fribourg arose with the deed of donation from when the Order of Saint John promised to build and maintain a church and a graveyard on their parcel of land.

From the end of the thirteenth century onwards, donations made by citizens exist that included the right to burial in the graveyard after their death. Only in —after a trial that involved the mightiest parish of the town, the German Prior of the Order and even the Pope—was the church elevated to a parish church for the district of the commandery. From this time onwards, the previously privately organized pastoral care became official. In both inventories, a considerable number of liturgical vestments are mentioned as well as the necessary missals and graduals.

In the inventory of , the church was equipped with the most necessary items. In , however, the liturgical vestments, missals and Eucharistic objects increased. Two arm reliquaries of John the Baptist and John the Evangelist are remarkable. Peter of Englisberg was most probably a novice and an eyewitness in when this gift was made in Rhodes. The construction of a hospice was also a condition linked to the donation the town made in —most probably it was not a house with the purpose of nursing the sick that was meant by the town authorities, but the accommodation of pilgrims.

In the two inventories, clearly a considerable quantity of beds and bed linen are mentioned. However, no rooms are designated as guest rooms in the inventories, whereas most rooms are named after their purpose or their features. Also, in other written documents, no traces survived that the Knights Hospitaller did regularly accommodate pilgrims. However, in the frame of the excavation made during the restoration of the commandery during recent years, the archaeologists found evidence for guest rooms in the side building of the commandery such as the vestiges of a chimney, which would not make any sense in a room which was not used for the accommodation of respected people.

Another duty concerned the military protection of the pilgrims and the defence of the Christian faith. Before , the Knights Hospitaller focused on the Holy Land. After the fall of Acre, the Holy Land was lost. From onwards, the island of Rhodes formed the base for their military operations against the Mamelukes and later the Ottomans. Since Rhodes was conquered in by the Ottomans, Malta replaced Rhodes in that function.

It was customary in the Order that young Knights had to spend their noviciate in the headquarters of the Order. Obviously this also concerned the commandery in Fribourg, since there is evidence that sons from local noble families who became Knights Hospitaller followed this duty as well as Knights that presided over the commandery at a later stage of their career. After this noviciate, most Knights lived in the commanderies of the Occident, though, in the case of a threat, the Knights were obliged to join the Order and defend its headquarters.

A number of Knights from Fribourg also fulfilled this duty. John of Ow, who was commander of Fribourg from till , travelled several times to Rhodes: first for his noviciate, then in , , and probably in again on the occasion of the Mameluke and Ottoman siege of Rhodes. In , Sultan Mehmet gathered his troops again and besieged Rhodes.

On his way back to Berne, he became sick and died shortly after in his commandery. His successor as commander, Philipp Stolz of Bickelheim, was also in Rhodes during the siege, but he survived and was able to come back to Fribourg. The second inventory was also written down in the context of a journey to Rhodes, as mentioned a bit earlier in this presentation.

However, Englisberg travelled to Rhodes again in when the island was threatened once more by the Ottomans. Englisberg was too late, however. In both inventories, a considerable number of weapons and armaments are mentioned. For example, Zapperi, Der schwangere Mann, "Mit der Gelehrsamkeit Johanns' war es aber nicht allzu gut bestellt, und vor allem konnte er kein Latein Seine geistlichen Freunde nahmen es auf sich, ihm all das, was sich in der Klosterbibliothek an lateinischen Texten fand, A phrase in the description of the battle of Laa has been cited as evidence that he saw the knights riding out of the city F.

The battle took place late in or early in On the other hand, he does not remember, and has to record second hand, the events of , when Duke Frederick knighted men on the land of the Schottenkloster in Vienna F. It is therefore likely that he was born in the years Enikel's death should probably be dated post This conclusion is based on an identification suggested by Perger of the chronicler with a Herr Johannes der Schreiber who crops up in various records for the years In determining Enikel's date of writing, it must be remembered that he may have worked on his books over some considerable period of time.

The Weltchronik ends in A more precise dating within this period depends on two key texts. The first is in the papal catalogue which Enikel has presumably translated from a Latin source Strauch thinks he has it from Honorius' Catalogus Romanorum pontificum and which he inserts into his text after This is simply a list of popes with the number of years they reigned, and it ends with the words Gregorius der zehent lebt ain jar. The second text on which the question of date hangs is to be found just a few pages further on, where we read the story of an unnamed pope who died when a wall fell on him Strauch identifies this, though with reservations, as John XXI, who died in May when a ceiling collapsed at his palace at Viterbo.

Strauch understands the former date, , as the date of the Latin manuscript from which Enikel took the papal catalogue, and feels that a number of years would be likely to have elapsed before Enikel copied it. He refrains from giving a final conclusion on this, but leaves the impression that post would be about right.

Scholars since Strauch have attempted to date the text more precisely. I, Enikel's Weltchronik 23 Vienna; 41 Klebel argues for a date after on the basis of his source conjectures. An earlier date, however, is espoused by Uhlirz, who places the composition not later than , reasoning that otherwise Enikel would surely have mentioned the rise of the Habsburgs. He questions whether Enikel, who must surely have known the name of the reigning Pope, would have copied the phrase Gregorius der zehent lebt ain jar if this were nearly a decade out of date. On the contrary, given that Gregory is the only pope to have his number written out in full rather than given as a Roman numeral, it would seem that this last entry in the catalogue already contains Enikel's updating.

As for the pope who met a sudden death, Hellmuth regards this as too vague to be a contemporary event, and feels that it can be perfectly well understood as one of a series of papal legends. The legend which precedes it is a well-known tale which in some versions ends with the death of the pope as a judgement from God; Hellmuth feels that the text in question is best seen as a continuation of the legendary material which it follows.

Vienna, A more obvious explanation is that the date is wrong. Thus Hellmuth concludes that the Weltchronik was two-thirds of the way towards completion in , and that Enikel was therefore in his thirties when he began to write. It may be that this debate will have to be re-opened. She concedes that a shared source document is not impossible but inclines against this view.

Lienert does not herself explore the question of dating, but merely notes that a re- evaluation of Hellmuth's article may be required. Against this, I suggest in chapter 4 of the present study that Enikel's Noah material was in circulation early enough to have influenced the illustrator of a Dutch manuscript written sometime in the years , and this reception process would more probably speak for a date in the s.

It is to be expected that the scholarship of the next few years will analyse these source dependencies more closely, and the results will be decisive for the question of chronology. Meanwhile however, Hellmuth's argumentation seems to me still to provide the most plausible interpretation of the data. A great deal may be made of Enikel's connection with the Schottenkloster in Vienna. Jakob in Regensburg. Its foundation charter specified that it was exclusively for scotti, that is, for Irish and Scottish monks, and this continued to be the case until the early 15th century.

Furthermore, he shows an unusual interest in the Scots Irish. I am grateful to Dr. Lienert for showing me the relevant sections of this work. Unfortunately, however, it came to my attention too late for a fuller evaluation to be included in the present study. Plante ed. Likewise, the greatness of Duke Frederick is seen in the fact that men from many nations joined under his command. Nine nationalities are mentioned F. For many MHG writers, the Celtic lands were too distant and too small to be part of their world. When they were mentioned at all it was often as a vague, exotic location.

These are not to be thought of as real locations at all. His undisputed connection with the monastery can be explained in two ways. Strauch points to the fact that the monks of the Schottenkloster were renowned for their work with furs.

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On the other hand, given Brunner's conclusion that the family were of the highest standing among the city's merchant class, a social contact with the abbot is perfectly possible. It is even possible that as a young man, he himself stayed with the monks for a while, perhaps to serve an apprenticeship.

Certainly, the contents of their library would provide the most obvious Latin sources for his material. Perhaps they were the meister who told him of things which they themselves had read in books Little can be said with certainty about Enikel's secular literary contacts, but it is clear that in the century of Reinmar, Walther and Neidhart, der Stricker and der Pleier, Vienna offered a very rich literary environment to anyone initiated into the expanding world of secular learning. Peters has written of the difficulties of defining an urban literature in this period, but if a characteristic literary identity was still embryonic, literary activity was nevertheless on the increase.

Kranzmayer has argued that Enikel knew Ottokar von Steyermark, whom he influenced, possibly inspiring him to write his Reim- 53On the other hand, Gottfried's Tristan, set in Ireland and Cornwall, or Kudrun in Ireland and Normandy, show that a more informed approach was perfectly possible. This would explain the presence of motifs from the Jewish tradition in Enikel's writing. Strauch lists thirty-nine Weltchronik manuscripts or fragments, mainly Austrian and Bavarian and dating from the 14th and 15th centuries.

Only the Regensburg manuscript MS 2 is complete, though five others have almost the complete text of Enikel's chronicle MSS 1, 9, 10, 12, Unfortunately, the codicological information provided by Strauch is hopelessly out of date. He himself had not seen all of these manuscripts, and in several cases he was not in a position to state exactly where they were to be found. Since that time a number have come to be housed in new locations.

Two were sold to unknown private collectors and were unavailable for study until they were bought by libraries in and Several new fragments have been found, one of which was lost again when Munich was bombed in , and many passages in compilation manuscripts have been identified as Enikel. In several cases, what Strauch had treated as two separate items have turned out to be fragments from a single manuscript, and one of these pairs has in fact been bound together since This rather chaotic situation has been perpetuated by the fact that of the scholarly studies conducted in the 20th century the only ones to have worked intensively with the manuscripts have been those with an art-historical approach, such as Ross' investigation into miniatures in medieval Alexander-books.

Enikel's Weltchronik 27 different sigla from Strauch. There remains no complete listing of Enikel manuscripts. In particular, it is very difficult for the reader working with Strauch's edition to move from his critical apparatus to current thinking on the manuscripts he cites.

In order to remedy this situation, I have attempted to draw up a new directory of the manuscripts of Enikel's Weltchronik. The aim of this is not to supplant the existing library catalogues, which give far fuller information than I shall attempt to offer here, but rather, to present the basic codicological data which is most immediately relevant to the study of Enikel's text in a convenient form. I have kept Strauch's sigla, but noted Ross' also, and have given sigla to the items which Strauch did not know 7b, 28bc, I have however grouped the manuscripts differently from Strauch.

His analysis suggested a three-fold classification: I Pure Text IIa Enikel with sections from other chronicles IIb Other chronicles with sections from Enikel Given that 16 and 17 are now known to be parts of the same manuscript, the grouping is obviously faulty. The present state of knowledge allows a far more discriminating categorisation, and I have re-grouped the manuscripts according to content as follows. Jahrhunderts, diss.

Vienna The manuscripts of the lateth and of the 15th century were apparently compiled to order in workshops which specialised in producing selections tailored to the needs of the individual customer. The tendency in earlier scholarship was to see these only as witnesses to be used in reconstructing the original text. The modern preference by contrast is to view each redaction as a work with its own literary integrity.

This of course brings new editorial difficulties. Exactly what was borrowed varied greatly from one manuscript to another, but often it was very little. Gerhardt, N. Wachinger ed. In fact, however, although this passage is closely based on Enikel, the wording has been almost entirely recast. It is questionable whether this should be regarded as a compilation including Enikel or as a completely new work with Enikel as one of its minor sources. Manuscripts are described by Strauch; 67 other discussions are noted where appropriate, as are printings of individual fragments.

For the sake of completeness, I have included three 19th century transcripts which have come to my attention 1a, 11a, 14a. In drawing up this catalogue I have been greatly helped by many of the librarians in whose custody the manuscripts and fragments are held. The items I have personally consulted are marked with an asterisk.

Contains Enikel's chronicle from the expulsion of Adam and Eve to Charlemagne's return from Hungary and also short sections from the story of the Russian princess and Emperor Frederick II ; ; Contains a collection of copies of miniatures from cgm 11 MS 1. Pen drawings, some coloured. III, vellum, c. Until in the Ben- edictine abbey at Neresheim Swabia. The only complete manuscript of the Weltchronik. Folio numbers are given without brackets in the margin of Strauch's edition. Lines published by Faus in Strauch gives a catalogue of the miniatures of this MS.

The first two folios MS 3 were owned by the Bibliothek des historischen Vereins von Oberbayern until the two groups were brought together in Contains fragments from the Moses story ; ; ; ; Contains sections of the Trojan war narra- tive , with significant gaps which are listed by Strauch. Published by Diemer, Jahrhunderte, Neresheim Karl Roth ed.

Contains lines from Enikel's Tro- jan war narrative This fragment unknown to Strauch. I have described and transcribed it. Contains 64 lines from Enikel's Trojan war narrative Strauch's MS 7. Contains Enikel's account of Heracles and Phocas ; With its frequent omission of lines, normally one or two rhyming couplets at a time, this manuscript appears to represent a deliberate curtailing of Enikel's text. Contains inter alia Enikel's chronicle as far as the death of Moses.

Described, von Heinemann I Contained a complete text of the Weltchronik, but 8 fols. Versammlung der deutschen Philologen, Munich , 5. The section on Frederick II was printed by Haupt in Contains almost a complete text ; only the final two sections on Frederick II's falcon hunt and the question about his death are missing. Includes, as the sole wit- ness, the additional material on Frederick II and the assassins after Contains 99 short pieces, mostly poems by Heinrich der Teicher. A section from Enikel's Alexander material is in- cluded It is not, however, as Strauch's catalogue implies, incorporated into a longer work.

Vellum, 1st half of 14th century, 2 cols. Until in Landshut. Contains material from the end of Enikel's Joseph and the beginning of his Moses narrative. Survived as binding reinforcement for the Chiemsee Fischmeisteramtsrechnung Discussed by Wachinger readings listed.

Contains and from Enikel's Moses narrative. Discussed, Wachinger. As editor of ZfdA, Haupt no doubt printed it here because of a reference to Enikel's Friedrich von Antfurt material in the previous article. Contains Enikel's chronicle from to the end. A transcript made by Jacob Grimm of cpg MS Contains a compilation based on the Christherre- Chronik with numerous shorter passages from Enikel incorporated, par- ticularly early in the chronicle to Abraham but also later Belshazzar, Bel, Pilate, the papal catalogue, various popes.

Formerly in the Franciscan monastery in Munich, at which time twelve miniatures which were felt to be offensive were painted over. Contains nearly a complete text of Enikel with sections of Christherre- Chronik incorporated. Mostly pen drawings, five painted minia- tures. Formerly Tambach, then in a private collection until Many pages from the interior are missing. Text pub- lished by Roth in , two of the illustrations by Essenwein in Contains part of Enikel's Joseph and Moses material , , , , , also the beginnings of and the ends of followed by 4 cols.

Roth describes the fragment on xiii f. Essenwein, "Wundermenschen: Zwei Abbildungen des Destroyed when the library was bombed in Glauning and Lehmann's description is there- fore the only witness. Contains an adaptation of the Christherre-Chronik with short sections from Enikel on the fall of angels, Abraham and the 10 commandments. Also a life of Mary. Contains Enikel on Sodom and Gomor- rah Described Adrian, 87 Contains Christherre-chronik as far as Esau. Formerly in the monastery at Gleink, and therefore occasionally referred to in the literature as the Gleinker Kodex.

Roland's survey is particular- ly full on this manuscript, and includes a useful analysis which specifies precisely which verses of Enikel's chronicle have been included. There is also a microfiche edition with introduction by Plate. Described Menhardt Verzeichnis II f. Paul Getty Museum, MS 33, vellum, c. Formerly in Maihingen, then Harburg until , then held by a private collector in Hamburg till This is in fact one of eleven fragments from the same manuscript, housed in Bamberg, Munich, Nuremberg, Regens- burg and Vienna.

Only the Vienna fragment contains passages from Enikel , Contains Enikel's , from Job to Nero. Described, Heinemann IV 51ff. Described, Ehrismann xxx-xxxv. II, vellum, second half of 14th century, 2 cols. Formerly in Maihingen, then Harburg. A further fragment from this manuscript, which contains nothing from Enikel, is Munich, Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Inv.

Described, Schneider Augs- burg 33f also Abb. Barth, paper, c. Contains Enikel's , from Nebuchadnezzar to the beginning of the Alexander stories. The manuscript from which this fragment was sepa- rated survives in a private collection. A further fragment is in Bregenz. However, only the Colmar fragment contains material from Enikel.

Described, Herkommer Until in Arolsen. A copy of MS Includes Enikel's fall of angels. Enikel's Weltchronik 39 umns rb, rc, va, vb. Includes Enikel's on va. Printed and discussed by Wachinger Also referred to as the Runkelstein Manuscript from a refer- ence in Sentlinger's dedication. Described, Gichtel esp. A3, paper, , 3 cols. Described, Menhardt "Weltchronik- Literatur" , according to whom it is closely related to MS This rich manuscript tradition testifies to the popularity of Enikel's work, especially in the South East. Here The reception of the Weltchronik in the centuries after Enikel's death can also be seen in the works for which it provides a source.

The only complete edition of Enikel's works is the critical edition by Philipp Strauch , which appeared in the series MGH, and which principally follows the Regensburg manuscript MS 2. Jahrhunderts, Opladen , vol 2, pp. For a contrary view, see Klebel, "Annalistik", f.

A single-volume edition of the two was also published in , and it was in this that Strauch's introduction first appeared. It is this combined volume, reprinted unaltered in , which is used throughout the present study. Enikel's Weltchronik 41 mistakenly took the chronicler to be his ancestor. Magnus Faus, "Benediktiner, und Kapitular in dem unmittelbaren freyen Reichsstifte Neresheim in Schwaben", published the prologue lines in as a "Probe" using the Neresheim now Regensburg MS 2 as a basis.

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In , no less than ten excerpts appeared as independent pieces in von der Hagen's Gesamtabenteuer. Since Strauch, only excerpts in anthologies have appeared. Vol II, ff contains: 1. Der Zauberer Virgilius; 3. Eraklius; 4. Kaiser Dagobert; 6. Constantin; 7. Liebeszauber; ii. Naturrecht ; 9. See also von der Hagen's comments in vol III, cxxviii-clxvi. Heinz Kindermann ed. II: Mitte des Apart from the various tentative steps towards an edition which were noted in the previous section, only relatively few references are to be found.

Stephan in Wien, und wird bey denen Gelehrten insgemein Ennichel oder Enikelius genennet. Serious research into Enikel's work began with an article which Philipp Strauch published in This list is not exhaustive. Enikel's Weltchronik 43 discredits the view which we saw in the encyclopaedia that Enikel was canonicus of Vienna Cathedral, and he is the first to argue that the poet was a furrier.

This work is expanded in the introduction to Strauch's edition, which also deals with the manuscripts and with questions of style and language. In addition, the introduction contains the first attempt to tackle the question of Enikel's sources. The edition itself establishes the first usable text and provides an excellent critical apparatus. In the present study I shall frequently take issue with Strauch, particularly on his source assumptions and on his dismissive treatment of the quality of Enikel's workmanship, which is often scathing.

This should not detract from the fact that Strauch's ground-breaking study remains by far the most important single contribution to our understanding of the text, and is - particularly on philological questions - sound scholarly work. After Strauch, there was a period of forty years in which very little was done. It is however interesting, in that it goes some way toward reconstructing the contents of the so-called Schottenkodex which must have served as Enikel's source for Babenberg history. Hermann Menhardt's article on chronicle manuscripts held in Vienna and Klagenfurt deals with the later history of the manuscript tradition.

Two important articles were published in and Francis Lee Utley's article on the Noah material marks a watershed, being the first serious attempt to deal with the Weltchronik from a literary rather than a historical perspective. Unfortunately, this article does not seem to have been generally noted by subsequent German-language scholarship. Utley's is an extremely important contribution, and I discuss it at length in chapter 4. Each provided a dictionary of the rhymes in its respective section of text. As they have not been published, I give a summary of their findings in chapter The s and 70s saw an increasing interest in Enikel.

Berkov establishes a thematic connection between Enikel's story of the daughter of the Russian King and a tale by Pushkin. He explains the connection by pointing to medieval trade links between Germany and the area of Russia where Pushkin is said to have gathered his material, and he concludes that both Enikel and Pushkin have preserved a very old Russian folk-tale which would otherwise have been lost. Burghart Wachinger reports on a number of fragments of Middle High German manuscripts which he discovered in the Staatsarchiv in Landshut; these, as we have seen, are now in Munich.

Kurt Wais , in an exploration of the "sunken sword" theme in Arthurian and other traditions, briefly discusses a connection with Enikel's account of the enchantment which preserved the body of Charlemagne's queen from decay after her death. Karl-Ernst Geith produced a major study on 13th-century material on Charles the Great with a chapter on Enikel's version. This is an important contribution to our understanding of Enikel's activities as a creative manipulator of his material.

An important contribution by Horst Wenzel discusses MHG historical works in terms of the programme of courtly literature, pursuing in particular the themes of minne and aventiure. Munich Toronto Brunner, Trojaliteratur, esp. I am grateful to Ms Hafner for allowing me to read the transcript of this article. Enikel's Weltchronik 47 Antfurt and on a problem of chronology.

Single-volume histories of German literature, and also some larger works, tend either to make no mention of Enikel or to note briefly the names of his works with perhaps an allusion to his anecdotal style or a dismissive reference to the quality of his verse. Entries in the Verfasserlexika were prepared by Schmeidler and Geith. Stirling Only a handful of significant articles have appeared on the subject, and to date there has not been a single book devoted exclusively to Enikel's work. The only attempt which has been made at a comprehensive survey is the page introduction to Strauch's edition, and it is seriously out of date.

The lack of interest in Enikel may partly be explained by the sheer length of the text, and by the expectation that chronicle material is likely to be dull. There has also been a tendency to regard Enikel as an author who falls between two stools; his work is not factual enough to be good history, not imaginative enough to be good literature.

Enikel did not write fine epic poetry to stand beside Gottfried or Wolfram, but then, he did not intend to. His intention was to tell stories from history, and he had a gift for making them lively. His aim, I shall argue, was a dual one, to inform and to entertain, and his popularity is the proof of his success. And this is where his importance for modern scholarship lies.

Scholarly neglect of Jans Enikel has had the result that a number of gaps remain in our knowledge. In particular, scholarship this century has been limited in two serious ways. In the first place, very little of it deals with Enikel's writings as literature. The Finnish scholar Kalevi Tarvainen has drawn attention to the problem that scholarly treatment of medieval German chronicles in general has been dominated by historians.

Fachliteratur des Mittelalters FS. Eis , Stuttgart Metzler , pp. Enikel's Weltchronik 49 historians, and indeed, the historian's insights will be of great value to the germanist. But obviously the historian and the germanist will approach a text from quite different angles. Tarvainen draws attention to the lack of a sound tradition of linguistic analysis of medieval chronicles.

The same could be said of a tradition of literary analysis. This is particularly the case with Enikel. A great deal of effort has gone into reconstructing Enikel's own biography, comparing his accounts of 12th and 13th century events with the facts as they are known from other sources, explaining the bias in his historiography and evaluating his importance as a source for early Austrian history; he is after all the first writer to record the story of the foundation of Vienna, and he personally witnessed some of the events he records.

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This is all very valuable, but it has led to an imbalance in scholarly interest. Comparatively little research has appeared with a literary-critical or a literary- historical approach. The earlier sections of the Weltchronik, containing material which comes ultimately from the Bible or from Homer, have been neglected. Important questions remain to be asked about the sources which he used, and the way in which he developed them and stamped his own personality upon them. The present thesis is an enquiry into the largely unstudied area of what Enikel made of the stories from the Old Testament.

Isolating these sections may seem somewhat arbitrary when we consider that Enikel clearly regarded his work as a whole, and that medieval historiography did not differentiate between biblical and other historical material. A full study focussing specifically on Enikel's version is still required. In approaching these passages the first task must be to identify which features of plot, style and characterisation are Enikel's own contribution and which he has simply taken from his sources.

Although not engaged in a study of his sources per se, we must identify them as far as possible as a prerequisite for our main study. The immediate difficulty is that for most of the material specific sources can no longer be recovered. The recurring observation in the scholarly literature that Enikel used the Imago mundi of Honorius Augustodunensis for the early parts of his chronicle proves quite unhelpful.

I shall argue that Enikel did use Honorius, but only for transitional passages between the main narrative sections and not for any of the substantial material. To Strauch's hypothesis of a lost Vita Mosis we might add a lost Genesis and a lost Daniel, or more probably we might apply Utley's insight on Enikel's Noah material to other passages of the chronicle and conclude that we are rarely dealing with a source as such, but rather with a plethora of partial sources, many of them oral, which the poet deliberately and creatively reconstructs into a complete narrative.

Under these circumstances the best we can do is to attempt an informed judgement of what Enikel is likely to have had from the exegetical tradition and from popular lore. The methodology adopted has been to identify every feature of the Weltchronik account which differs from the Vulgate and to look for analogues in other works. Since we are looking for traditions rather than direct sources, it has seemed appropriate on some occasions also to take account of works which Enikel himself could not possibly have used, either because they post-date him or because they were not available in either of the two languages which he could read.

The works consulted are listed in the first part of the bibliography along with brief information. They include the broadest possible coverage of the major exegetical works in Latin and Greek, and of the Middle High German works which deal with Old Testament material. Popular tradition is difficult to evaluate, but sermons and morality plays provide a number of insights.

On a less systematic basis, English, Dutch, French, Irish, Hebrew and Slavonic literatures have been drawn on where a detail seemed enlightening. The result is the discovery that many statements which were previously regarded as errors on Enikel's part are in fact familiar parts of the medieval collage. Having identified what does and what probably does not belong to Enikel's literary inheritance we are then in a position to discuss his own achievements. These include significant alterations of the storyline and unexpectedly original characterisations of some of the protagonists.

These of course are anachronistic value judgements. I shall argue that Enikel's conception of his work was one which entitled him to adapt his material to produce desired effects, and that he was, within his own terms, successful in doing this. His programme can be identified, and is surprisingly consistent. By way of a further preface to this study I intend in chapter 2 to offer a brief account of the historiographical tradition to which Enikel was heir.

In chapters 3 to 9 I shall discuss the texts as they appear, grouping them into chapters not according to theological principles nor according to a historiograph- ical schema such as the six ages, for these do not seem to have been particularly important to Enikel, but according to characters, for the basic unit in the Weltchronik is the great man whose life provides the thread linking together a series of short anecdotal accounts. Because Enikel's work is generally unfamiliar, the contents of each pericope will be first described, then evaluated.

In chapters I shall then draw together the findings with respect to a number of key questions. As many of the passages are here being discussed for the first time in a scholarly work, it inevitably follows that many of the points made will be in the nature of tentative beginnings rather than final conclusions.

Nevertheless, I hope that the result of this study will be a far clearer perception of Enikel's intentions and techniques than has existed hitherto. I do not use the term in its liturgical sense of "a portion of Scripture appointed for reading in public worship" OED.

It differs from the biographical vita in that it covers a longer period of history and displays an awareness of wider historical contexts. It differs from the annal in that it records events from the past, it is conceived as an integrated whole and it is usually written by a single author. The annal, being the official record of a monastery or other institution, records events of the present as they happen, grows with the history it preserves, and may be the work of many hands over many centuries. A Weltchronik, a world chronicle or universal chronicle, could be defined as a chronicle which records the events of the history of the whole world from the beginning until the date of writing, a chronicle which is complete both in space and time.

A medieval Christian world chronicle will therefore take as its starting point the beginning of biblical history, the creation of the world, possibly preceded by the creation and fall of angels, and may end by looking beyond the writer's own time towards the eschaton. This claim to be comprehensive does not, of course, mean that the writer is not free to be selective in the choice of material, but it does mean that any deliberate omission carries a value-judgment.

The historian's art was usually understood as assembling material rather than analysing it. As a result, some world chronicles grow to immense proportions, and in some cases the historical record is combined with accounts of geography and natural science to produce what amounts to an encyclopaedia of the acquired knowledge of the period.

The world chronicle is closely related to other literary forms, and its history cannot be seen in isolation. In particular, there are other types of historical writings which may or may not be chronicles in their structure, but which are restricted in their coverage. The World Chronicle as a Literary Form 53 forms of historical writing which developed in parallel, and which were interrelated throughout their history.

All of these provide points of contact or comparison with the world chronicle, some indeed proved very fruitful sources of material. They are, nonetheless, to be treated separately from universal history in any study of the development of the form. Christian theology is historically based. It centres around the ministry and passion of Jesus, which are regarded as historical events.

It is built on sacred texts which for the most part consist of different kinds of historical writings. It attempts to understand the world in terms of God's intervention in and control of historical processes, especially at three key points, the creation, the resurrection and the last judgment. This focus on the historical is one of the most fundamental differences between the philosophy of religion found in the Jewish-Christian-Muslim tradition and the very different kinds of thought which typify, for example, the eastern religions.

The corollary of this is that Christian historical writing must have a theology. We may say that Christian historiography has three particular characteristics: it is linear, developmental and providential. By linear we mean that it starts at a fixed point in the past, the creation, it ends at a fixed point in the future, the eschaton, and between these two points it runs in a straight line. Although the concept of the wheel of fortune and the idea of history repeating itself can be accommodated within it, Christian historiography is not cyclical.

By developmental, we mean that the events of history are regarded as part of a process. Whether the trend is seen as progress towards a golden age, as is typical of post-enlightenment Christian writing, or as regress from a golden age, as was more common in medieval writing, there is always the idea that history is going somewhere in accordance with a plan. Associated with this is the concept of the divine economy of history which holds that nothing happens in the world, either good or bad, which does not take the grand plan of history forward in some respect.

Finally, by providential we mean that God is an active participant in history, making things happen, not just observing them. The ultimate example of this would be the incarnation, but any event can be seen as providential, the mechanics of this varying according to the version of the predestination doctrine which is in operation. Thus history is also a kind of revelation. Being arranged chronologically between a first and a last event, its structure already reflects the linear and developmental aspects of Christian historiography. The providential aspect can also easily be brought in, though as it is not automatically present in the structure, it will depend on the individual author how and how far this is expounded.

Most importantly though, by being universal the world chronicle emphasises the sense of an overall plan. Since every individual event is seen in relation to the whole, the concept of the divine economy can be given a clear expression. As a result, the world chronicle became a very important form in Christian literature, and many of the best known theological writers of the Middle Ages turned their hands to it.

The immediate motivation behind the writing of a sacred world chronicle generally seems to fall into one of three categories 4. Firstly, it may be written for apologetic purposes. In the early history of the Church, when Christianity was in competition with the polytheistic religion of Rome, and also later in missionary situations, it was important to be able to prove the antiquity of Christian ideas, that Moses was older than Homer. In the Carolingian period, the concept of translatio imperii was of great political significance, and it was necessary to demonstrate how the German Empire fitted into the historical continuum.

In the investiture contest and other great disputes, history took sides. All of these were situations where apologetic considerations were paramount. Secondly, a chronicle could be written for purely philosophical purposes, seeking for meaning in history. And thirdly, it could be written for the schoolroom. The first prerequisite for the development of the Christian world chronicle was the establishing of a chronology for biblical history.

This was done in or before by Sextus Julius Africanus in his Chronicorum canones, 5 which was translated into Latin by Jerome. Early world chronicles were written by Jerome and Eusebius. Of all the Church fathers, however, it was Augustine who made the most important single contribution to Christian historiography in his work on the doctrine of the aetas. Drawing on a parallel between the six days of creation and what seemed to be the six natural divisions of sacred history, this had emerged very early, and was in embryo already to be found in Matthew 1.

Jahrhundert", in: U. Knefelkamp ed. The World Chronicle as a Literary Form 55 Omnes ergo generationes ab Abraham usque ad David generationes quattuordecim et a David usque ad transmigrationem Babylonis generationes quattuordecim et a transmigratione Babylonis usque ad Christum generationes quattuordecim. By linking the ages to the six phases of a human life, he showed history to be the story of the world growing old. In this form the pattern was passed down to all subsequent medieval historians.

Isidore of Seville c. His Chronica majora written in is built on the six-age structure, but it does not draw Augustine's parallel to the six ages of man. Only in the Chronica minora of , a shortened version of the earlier work, did he write that there were two kinds of aetas, of the world and of the individual. This led to much speculation about the date of the end of the world, especially towards the end of the 10th century.

Like Isidore, Bede c. They "briefly note important events in world history in a chronological framework. He was particularly concerned with the problem of chronology, especially with the chronology of the incarnation, and was the first historian to count dates from the 6Denys Hay, Annalists and Historians: Western Historiography from the Eighth to the Eighteenth Century, London , It is significant that both of his world chronicles are linked to discursive works on this subject: the Chronica minora to the De temporibus liber, and the Chronica majora to the De temporum ratione, a comprehensive handbook of chronological theory.

It was so widely read that it almost displaced Isidore as the major authority in the Carolingian period. Written about by a monk at Siegburg, it combines a history of the world with a biography of Archbishop Anno II of Cologne. The Annolied falls into three sections: strophes a history of the sacred world from Adam to Anno strophes a history of the secular world from Adam to Anno strophes a life of Anno Although the life of Anno fills only 16 of the Annolied's 49 strophes, the main thrust of the work is clearly hagiographical, and this makes it quite different from any of the other works under discussion.

Whereas world chronicles generally seek to amass as much information as possible, historical data being valuable for its own sake, the Annolied uses history to set the archbishop in context, and provides just enough historical data to do this. The author is absolutely in control of his material, and it is no coincidence that Anno appears as the climax and fulfilment of history in the numerologically significant strophes 7 and This subordination of history to another purpose is a highly unusual feature.

Another unusual feature is the separation of history into sacred and secular, the former recording biblical and ecclesiastical history and the stories of saints while the latter focusses particularly on the ancient empires and the rise of the German nation. The author does know both the six-age and the four-empire schema, but although both of these are used, the division into sacred and secular provides the overall 9The two chronicles are edited by Th.

The discursive works appear in Charles W. Jones ed. Roediger, MHG dt chron I. In particular Knab highlights conceptual similarities with Frutolf von Michelsberg. The World Chronicle as a Literary Form 57 structure. The Annolied is unique in that it is the only sacred world chronicle in Middle High German, for which reason it provides an interesting point of contrast with Enikel's work. The reason why it was written in German is not difficult to find. Anno, who had died just a few years before, had been a controversial political figure, and the author wished to justify him in the face of criticism.

The Annolied is therefore a monk's message to the secular world. The late 11th century saw a renewed interest in the ancient world. The Bavarian Frutolf von Michelsberg d. Although he uses the aetas-schema, it does not seem to be of great importance for him, and the divisions fall at unconventional places. The flood, for example, does not mark the end of an age in Frutolf's chronicle. His work was continued in the years immediately after his death by Ekkehard of Aura.

Otto von Freising's Historia de duabus civitatibus, 13 completed by , was another pioneering work of this period. Building on a concept of Augustine's, the work takes as its structure the eternal struggle between the two cities, the temporal and the eternal, Babylon and Jerusalem; Otto prefers this structure to a six-age or four-kingdom structure, although he also knows these schemas.

Of interest here is his De imagine mundi. Considering its scope, the Imago mundi is surprisingly short: the third book dispatches world history in just 25 columns of the Migne edition. The style is telegrammatic, with genealogies and chronological lists of rulers providing a framework into which brief accounts of important events are then slotted. The brevity of the work encourages the reader to be more strongly aware of the overall six-age structure. The four-empire pattern does not appear. We shall return to this work in some detail when we turn our attention to the question of Enikel's sources.

Matthew Paris c. Alban's Hertfordshire , began his Chronica majora 17 in or soon after. It is based on the earlier chronicle of Roger Wendover, which Paris revised, enlarged and continued. It covers the period from Creation to , although he originally planned to end it in The three-volume autograph manuscript has survived, and contains marginal drawings of contemporary events by Paris himself.

A vast work, the Chronica majora fills seven volumes of the Rolls series. The historical narrative is interlaced with information of the most diverse kinds, observations on natural history, the customs of exotic peoples, heraldry, the techniques of various trades. Indeed, his most remarkable feature is his "wide range of interests and almost unlimited curiosity. The Old Testament and the Trojan war are both dealt with in the first 28 pages of the first volume.


Ranulf Higden d. His Polychronicon 19 is published in the Rolls series in the original Latin with two different Middle English translations. It is arranged in seven books, the first dealing with the geography of Britain, the second with Old Testament history, and the remainder with later classical and British history. Writing in an age when patriotism was in the ascendant, Higden's main area of interest was the history of 16PL , There are five volumes of text, one of additional material, and a final one containing an index.

Churchill Babbington et. The World Chronicle as a Literary Form 59 his own nation. Higden was particularly successful in fitting all history into a theological pattern. For him, history did not exist for its own sake; it provided rules for living, models for behaviour and incentives to virtue. This was the major form in the 8thth centuries, a good example being Bede.

The mare historiarum has less emphasis on chronology and more on comprehensive coverage of history in narrative form. Otto von Freising provides one of the finest examples. Finally the imago mundi is interested in the encyclopaedic assembling of all knowledge, and is likely to combine a chronicle with geographical or scientific texts. This was at its height in the 12thth centuries, when it was a product of the scholastic movement.

Honorius is the obvious example because of the title of his work, but it is the Englishmen Paris and Higden who represent it at its best. It should, however, be noted that sacred world chronicles can rarely be allotted to one of these three categories without reservation. Rather, the three basic types represent three different trends which may all be present to a greater or lesser degree in a single work. This thumb-nail sketch of the history of the form, with its at times perhaps somewhat arbritrary inclusions and omissions, has been intended merely to illustrate the kind of heritage to which the 13th century chroniclers fell heir.

Although for our present purposes it is useful to see the development of the sacred world chronicle as distinct from other forms, this strand of Latin scholarship clearly did not develop in a vacuum. Particularly for the biblical parts of history, it is necessary to see the sacred chronicle at all times as part of a nexus of exegetical writing in which each form guides and influences the others. The importance of the study of the Bible for medieval thought was expounded by Beryl Smalley in her seminal book on the subject. Outwith the Church, only the higher nobility could read or write.

The twelfth and thirteenth centuries however saw the growth of classes of lay society who had the educational opportunities required for the production of a literature of their own. We are thinking particularly of two groups here. First, in the embryonic civil service a new class of administrators, ministeriales, was appearing, performing tasks which would previously have been undertaken, if at all, by clerics who had entered the service of the secular authorities. Secular historical writing began with records kept by ministeriales for administrative purposes, and only later was taken up by patricians such as Enikel for the education and entertainment of their own class.

The move to the secular chronicle coincided more or less with the move from Latin to the vernacular. There were few exceptions. The Annolied has already been mentioned as an example of sacred history in German, but this is to be explained in terms of the aims of the writer and the audience he has in mind.

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The English translations of Higden are a relatively late development. Broadly speaking, the pattern holds good: churchmen wrote in Latin to inform other churchmen, while the quite different purposes of laymen were best served by the vernacular. When we speak of the secular world chronicle, we do not, of course, mean that the form had ceased to be Christian. For a useful survey see: James H. The World Chronicle as a Literary Form 61 writer in the thirteenth century was very little different from that of the Church.

The underlying theology and cosmology were the same, historiography was still linear and, at least in principle, it was still providential. Consequently, the secular world chronicle still began with the biblical creation stories, and could still end with the last judgment. The divisions of history into ages and kingdoms were equally usable for the lay writer, and the available sources were also the same. What had changed was a question of emphasis. The lay writer had different interests from the churchman, and in the development of the secular world chronicle this is reflected by a notable shift in focus from pious to courtly pursuits.

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The sacred chronicler seeks to teach theology and morality, and to show God active in the world. The secular chronicler is more interested in how the world works and how people actually live in it. And the secular chronicler may also have a secondary aim which was not an issue for the monk: that of pure entertainment.

It has been suggested that the German chronicle of the late 13th century has its roots in the courtly epic of the first part of that century. However it would be fair to say that a new style of writing entered the chronicle tradition at this time, a type of anecdotal narrative which owes more to Wolfram and Gottfried than to Isidore and Bede. Enikel's tale of Friedrich von Antfurt ff is a particularly striking example of this. The Kaiserchronik begins with Romulus and Remus and proceeds through the stories of the emperors and popes to the twelfth century. It is certainly world history as opposed to local history, and it certainly covers a significant chronological span, but without Old Testament material the first part of world history is missing.

Consequently it is no coincidence that in the Vorau manuscript it appears together with the Vorau Moses books; without them it lacks the claim to universality which is part of our definition of a world chronicle.

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It is a moot question whether the foundation of Rome - the beginning of the imperial continuum under which, according to the translatio imperii doctrine, the medieval 26Robertson, A History of German Literature, , 96; H. Burger ed. Burger deals briefly with Enikel under the heading "Ende der Heldenepik". It is included here in our discussion of the secular world chronicle because of the fact that it was probably commissioned by the Duke of Saxony and obviously belongs in the cultural milieu of the court. It was however presumably written by priests and it is frequently pro-clerical; clearly the labels sacred and secular are not absolutes, and the Kaiserchronik may be thought of as a transitional form.

After the Kaiserchronik there was a long period when nothing new was done in this field, despite the fact that German literary production in other forms was at its peak. When the secular world chronicle re -emerged in the mid-thirteenth century, it reflected a historiographical self-awareness which was clearly secular and universal. This discontinuity provides a further reason for classing the Kaiserchronik as a precursor of the form, but not yet as a secular world chronicle proper.

Nevertheless, it establishes some of the characteristics which we later find in Enikel. It is written in the vernacular, it is in verse, and in style and content it shows a clear move away from the Latin tradition.