- Front matter
- Historia de la muy noble villa de Andorra -Siglos XII y XIII- (Spanish Edition)
- Köhler, Holm-Detlev 1956-
- Bibliography International Review of Social History vol. 39 part 3 ()
This of course implied either awakening these feelings in the first place or strengthening and channeling them in the right direction. The advocates of this movement, according to Applegate and Confino, were liberal to liberal-conservative middle-class circles and local notables. Both investigations concern themselves with the conceptual history as well as the political and ideological instrumentalization of Heimat.
Behind the specific idea of a Heimat-related identity, writes Confino, lurked something entirely different, however, namely invention, myth , nostalgia and sentimentality. Confino embeds his deliberations in the literature on collective memories following Maurice Halbwachs. Accordingly, the idea of the German nation was to be understood as a process of collective negotiating as well as the exchange of memories, whether in the form of the written word, images or cultural practices. A conspicuous development in the German Empire was that a range of institutions committed to cultivating the ideals of Heimat were increasingly drawn to conservative, nationalist, chauvinist and racist ideas.
Both aimed at the preservation and protection of the locally specific that was nonetheless considered German — in the arts, culture or nature. This manifestation of the Heimat discourse and its linkage to increasingly radicalized nationalist movements that pinned their hopes on an ethnically and culturally homogeneous population has been adequately explored by historians such as Hans-Ulrich Wehler in his concise and exemplary study of the Deutscher Ostmarkverein German Eastern Marches Society.
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And yet only part of the Heimat movement or Heimat discourse has been focused on in the process, the one supplying nationalist or chauvinist movements with locally based arguments. The Heimat movement of the Weimar Republic has also been viewed in this manner. Its influence was largely thanks to the subject of Heimatkunde local history being anchored in school curricula and hence a part of civic education, albeit in a more innocuous form. A given birthplace only becomes a homeland once you have lived your way into it. This is why it is possible to create a homeland for yourself far away from the place you were born.
The value of Heimat and region was elevated accordingly, since these were thought to contain important elements of a shared national or popular culture peculiar to an imagined community. Leading figures in the heritage societies and homeland associations may have curried favor with the regime and been confirmed Nazis, but they always retained a certain scope of maneuver, which after could be interpreted as a sign of having kept away from politics and ideology.
Moreover, there was no uniform strategy on the part of the Nazi Party of how to deal with these mostly bourgeois societies and associations. Added to this was the competition between different organizations, typical of the Nazi period. This situation gave the Heimat movement a certain latitude, since the Nazi umbrella organizations were not always able to penetrate the existing groups and bring them into line ideologically.
Separate initiatives also developed in individual administrative districts, or Gauen. In Saxony, for example, Gauleiter Martin Mutschmann founded the Heimatwerk Sachsen Homeland Organization of Saxony in which aimed to centralize all regional cultural efforts. With the collapse of Nazi Germany in , the Heimat movements were remarkably quick to localize their structures once again. The s and s have received the most attention from scholars in more recent contemporary history.
About 12 to 14 million ethnic Germans were forced to leave their places of residence and start a new life elsewhere. Locals had to deal with new-arrivals, and everyone had to come to terms with the changes in their living environment. Thus, Heimat figured prominently in postwar social discourses. The so-called Heimatvertriebene, ethnic Germans expelled from their former homeland, sought a place in their respective postwar societies in Germany East and West, some of them hoping to one day return to territories lost in the war.
The established population was faced with the task of dealing with a new situation and possibly reinventing their own identity. Alongside existing and newly formed local cultural organizations came the ones established by migrants after the end of the war. While the BHE attracted the attention of scholars early on, expellee societies and associations or institutions taking up their cause at the regional and local level were only addressed much later.
Though the narrative of the rapid and successful integration of refugees and expellees fostered by the politics of the s and s has recently been the subject of scrutiny,  two things have yet to be explored in detail: the socio-cultural experience of new-arrivals and the processes of identification or lack thereof with their new local and regional environments. How both migrants and locals coped with this situation still needs to be investigated in more detail. The wealth of sociological research  dedicated to the topics of homeland, foreignness, refugees and expellees from a theoretical as well as an empirical perspective  would be a useful resource for future historians in this field.
The government in East Berlin initially rejected the concept of Heimat as the haven of an ineradicable and romanticizing petty bourgeoisie. Instead, a socialist concept of Heimat was invented, underscoring the role of the individual in the collective and his responsibility to the world around him. Heimat was now no longer the preserve of the bourgeoisie but belonged to the workers , who shaped their environment collectively according to the principles of socialism, thus ensuring the rootedness of these principles.
The focus of local identity-building was to be the overall socialist state  and the notion of internationalism. It was also necessary to overcome bourgeois-capitalist property relations, since these were thought to ultimately lead to an instrumentalization of Heimat.
All of this was thought to contrast the approach to Heimat in the Federal Republic. Founded in , it only had a limited say, however, in the agenda of its affiliated associations and hence had little influence on their practical work and activities. Thus, a varied network of regional and local cultural associations developed alongside organizations that were more or less free to pursue their activities, depending on political directives from Berlin and provided they did not engage in direct opposition to the regime.
The hugely successful West German Heimatfilm of the s and s has been given special attention in cultural-historical research. More recent investigations offer a somewhat more nuanced picture. The Heimatfilm addressed fundamental social issues in its own specific way, whether modernization, displacement and migration or the urban-rural divide.
It used the imagery of familiar Heimat iconography to convey impressions of a stable order that appealed to aesthetic sensibilities and was capable of holding its own in the modern era. Though the notion of Heimat used here clearly recalls the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and hence carries conservative connotations, the Heimat of the Heimatfilm was not divorced from current events, but integrated despite its conservative bent elements of modernity, mobility and technology in the spirit of reconciliation as understood back then.
And yet there is no denying that the discovery of local surroundings, landscapes, architecture and nature in their specific meaning to individuals is an important step towards establishing a local identity. Confino emphasizes that the images used were interchangeable in terms of their form, aesthetic and motifs, and could hence be regarded as universal signs and symbols representing the notion of Heimat.
This can be viewed as an outgrowth of the Heimatkunst movement that emerged in late Imperial Germany. Regarded by art historians as conservative and traditional and scarcely acknowledged by conventional historians, being mentioned in passing at best, the movement was in fact considerably more complex, as Jennifer Jenkins points out.
The literature shows that the s inaugurated a new phase in the history of Heimat. The anti-nuclear-power movement, discussions of identity in the s, the debate on globalization  as well as German unification all relied at some point or another on the concepts of Heimat and regionalism or local identity politics, regardless of whether this happened in a rural or urban setting.
Historians of the nature conservation and environmental movements have traced these back to the Heimat movement of the German Empire and discovered numerous continuities. One specialized field of recent historical research is colonial history. Prompted partly by the cultural turn and partly by post-colonial studies, this new field of scholarship has reexamined the question of the self-understanding of colonizers. Migration history and global history have also acted as catalysts more generally. During the German Empire, colonizers and colonial societies endeavored to integrate the colonies into a national narrative.
This was done with the help of the contemporary discourse on Heimat. The same applied to colonial enthusiasts after , who imagined a better Germany, as it were, in the former German colonies. Investigations into the phenomenon of Heimat seldom extend beyond German borders. Even Austria and Switzerland are given short shrift, whereas transnational approaches are lacking entirely with the exception of colonial history.
The visual history of Heimat has likewise received scant attention from scholars. A divergent leftist or liberal concept of Heimat and a focus on gender-specific issues are marginal features in the historical literature.
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The German notion of Heimat is perceived as a uniquely German phenomenon, distinctly different from other concepts of homeland throughout the world. With the exception of nature conservation and environmental protection,  there are no comparisons to analogous movements in other cultures. Thus, the literature on the German-speaking world sticks to the German concept of Heimat and only concerns itself with the broader phenomenon when linked to a discourse on homeland. This explains why organizations that prominently feature the word Heimat in their names or agendas are being given particular attention.
There is general agreement that conservative-chauvinist and racist parts of the Heimat movement should not be underestimated. To date, there has neither been an investigation of these writings and institutions with respect to their actual political leanings and hence the range of this discourse, nor have there been sufficient studies on the Heimat discourse of the s and s. There is also a dearth of studies on the history of everyday life focusing on the urban, local and regional forms of liberal Heimat movements and their impact, previous research having centered on the antimodern and chauvinist varieties.
In this respect, from an overseas perspective the entire nation-state is Heimat.
These distinctions need to be given more attention. Diverse ties to Heimat are important even within a given region. What role did it play for a subnational, political or administrative body such as a federal state in the German Empire?
Was there any resistance to it? What happens when a local Heimat discourse does not address its integration in the nation or federal state, rejects cooptation, and tries to evade political instrumentalization? These aspects need to be analyzed more fully. On the one hand, we need to look beyond the German word Heimat and inquire into the larger phenomenon of homeland as an anthropological concept.
On the other, the Heimat discourse needs to be differentiated with regard to its deviations from the norm. As mentioned above, a leftist discussion of Heimat has existed since the nineteenth century. Its points of reference need to be examined as well, such as the relationship between Heimat and region independent of any state borders running through them. The relationship between locality and globality also needs to be explored more intensely. Do they need the fiction of an unchangeable folk culture and the timeless character traits of a local population, formed by nature and landscape? The specific manifestation of the dominant Heimat discourse — for example, from the late German Empire to the Nazi period — looks different when taking into account liberal and leftist Heimat discourses.
The later Nobel Peace Prize winner Alfred Hermann Fried, for example, wrote in a essay on patriotism that a sense of Heimat could help counteract excessive nationalism.
Historia de la muy noble villa de Andorra -Siglos XII y XIII- (Spanish Edition)
Another aspect worth investigating is a gender-history perspective. How dear the word is, precisely to the female sex! It is important, furthermore, to link the Heimat discourse to globalization and relativize the nation as its privileged framework. Is Heimat transnational? The question is whether a specific emotional charge and an overemphasis on landscape are the distinguishing features of German Heimat as opposed to other local processes of identity-formation or whether there are other criteria at work. Heimat as an urban phenomenon has been the focus of recent discussion. Furthermore, local processes of identity-building in general are unimaginable without an emotional component and specific aesthetic references to space.
The emotional appeal of having a homeland hardly appears to be the prerogative of the German-speaking world, as Rolf Petri pointed out in References to modernization processes, similarities to the development of nation-states, the refurbishment of local spaces and the back-to-nature movement all make abundantly clear that the concept of a homeland is by no means something specially German inherent to the concept of Heimat. Locality, writes Angelika Epple, is a promising concept, because ultimately globalization is always embedded locally. Unlike locality and regionality, Heimat could be understood here as a modern concept linking humans to their living environment and the world.
The same applies to the relationship between homeland and nation. The second thing to note, alongside the close link between real-world political development and federalism research highlighted above, is that in Germany different methodological approaches to comparative federalism research developed in three overlapping waves—cross-cutting the major content-related individual strands.
The third wave, beginning towards the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century, has been marked by the increasing distinctiveness of the discipline of political science in Germany, and the changing publication culture in the international social sciences the ever-growing importance of articles in refereed journals.
However, there are still many comparative studies published as monographs or as chapters in edited volumes in Germany. At the same time, comparative studies with the aim to explain, rather than to understand, federalism-related phenomena, are gaining in importance cf. Sturm , p. Whereas in Publius articles with German authorship increased from 2. The share of articles with German-Speaking authorship was broadly stable in Publius — 1. Benz and Lehmbruch It differs from the two English-language journals analyzed above, as contributions are published annually on recurring topics, and most are commissioned and do not undergo an external review-process.
Comparative federalism research in Germany is in many ways linked with international political research on federalism. Likewise, the three methodical waves of comparative federalism research in Germany identified above, while perhaps to some extent being peculiarly German, have by no means ignored the larger methodological dynamics and developments in international federalism research, and in many instances put research conducted and published in German at an international level in terms of rigor and quality.
The impact of Germany-based federalism research on international research may have been more limited, perhaps not only, but at least in part, due to obvious language barriers, yet in some areas, such as the study of sub-national regions in the EU or bargaining theories in multi-level systems, German or Germany-based scholars have effectively taken the lead, and clearly left their mark on the international community.
Moreover, inspirational sources have by no means been confined to the Continent, or Europe at large. Generally, German comparative politics has been considerably better at adopting internationally influential concepts than at developing genuinely novel concepts and approaches, or producing spectacular counter-intuitive empirical findings, that significantly shaped the work of scholars at the international level. Of course, as always, exceptions prove the rule. Further, the statistics indicating the evolving share of work by German or Germany-based scholars in leading international journals suggest that state-of-the-art contributions from this group of scholars are by no means confined to these particular areas.
Some recent developments suggest more explicitly that individual scholars from Germany are internationally acknowledged as leaders in their field. One of the reasons for the overall limited international influence of Germany-based comparative political studies, if perhaps not the single most important one, has been the established dominance of German-language publications. However, this has begun to change, though less apparently than in several other countries. The flagship journals of some national political science communities in Europe—such as Acta Politica , the Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica , or the Swiss Political Science Review —are now published in English throughout, and are distributed worldwide by major Anglo-Saxon publishers.
It seems difficult to imagine that this could happen anytime soon to their German equivalent, the Politische Vierteljahresschrift. Of course, it is easy to overrate the language factor. There are obvious limits to measuring the quality of research mainly, let alone exclusively, on the basis of the language of publication.
Thus, the limiting effects of German-language research publications are probably less about quality, and more about international visibility, circulation, and impact.
That said, given the notoriously low acceptance rate of some major international journals and Anglo-Saxon University Presses, publishing at this level certainly marks an important proxy indicator of exceptional scholarly excellence in its own right. Further, Parliamentary Affairs also publishes articles on legislative politics; however, its focus has traditionally been more UK-centric than JLS, although this is rapidly changing.gatsbygroup.co.uk/love-me-if-you-bear-werebearbbw-paranormal.php
Köhler, Holm-Detlev 1956-
Austria, Germany, and Switzerland combined: 35 out of 43 Germany only: 22 out of 27 In addition to this, twelve different non-research affiliations, such as the Bundestag and Bundesrat, were also represented. An article analyzing three or more countries, one of which was Germany, would thus be coded in the last category.
Skip to main content Skip to sections. Advertisement Hide. Download PDF. An institutional perspective. Open Access. First Online: 12 September Eine institutionelle Perspektive. As this article deals with the study of comparative politics in Germany, the focus of the research discussed above should also be investigated. To what extent do Germany-based scholars publish explicitly comparative work in international journals, and to what extent is this the case in ZParl? To investigate this, we coded the extent to which the focus was on Germany or other countries of the all the articles published in ZParl, as well as with those articles published by Germany-based authors in JLS and LSQ, in the five-year period analysed above.
Four categories were used, namely, whether the research analysed: Germany; one country, which was not Germany; two countries, of which one was Germany; or two countries or more which were not Germany. Two caveats should be noted. Table 1 Geographical focus of articles in the area of comparative legislative politics. Abels, Gabriele, and Annegret Eppler eds. Subnational parliaments in the EU multi-level parliamentary system: taking stock of the post-Lisbon era.
Innsbruck: Studienverlag. Google Scholar. Integration: Zweidirektional und Mehrdimensional. CrossRef Google Scholar. Anderson, George, and Henrik Scheller. Opladen: Barbara Budrich. Auel, Katrin, and Tapio Raunio. Debating the State of the Union? The Journal of Legislative Studies 20 1 — To scrutinise or not to scrutinise? Explaining variation in European activities within national parliaments. West European Politics 38 2 — The differential empowering effects of Europeanization on the autonomy of national agencies.
Governance 28 3 — Baus, Ralf T. Baden-Baden: Nomos. Behnke, Nathalie, and Arthur Benz. The politics of constitutional change between reform and evolution. Publius 39 2 — Behnke, Nathalie, and Sabine Kropp. Arraying institutional layers in federalism reforms: lessons from the German case. Regional and Federal Studies 26 5 — Measuring success of constitutional reforms: evidence from territorial reforms in eight western democracies. Regional and Federal Studies 21 4—5 — Benz, Arthur. Patterns of multilevel parliamentary relations.
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