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A foundation for ideas on development
Contents:


  1. Organisation internationale pour les migrations
  2. Navigation menu
  3. Research Professor
  4. 12th AFD International Conference on Development : Commons and Development
  5. Jørgen Carling

Notwithstanding the increasing availability of survey- and interview-based micro-level data on African migration, data availability remains extremely patchy and is generally focused on migration to Europe from a limited number of better-researched African countries, such as Morocco, Senegal, Ghana and South Africa. What has been particularly lacking so far, is macro-data that allows to map the overall evolution of the migration patterns from, to and within Africa over the past decades.

This is not only important to gain a more fundamental insight into the factual evolution of African migration and to verify the validity of common perception of massive and increasing African migration, but it would also allow to contribute to the scholarly debate on the determinants of migration. On the one hand, this pertains to the debate on how development affect human mobility in which scholars have challenged conventional push-pull models by arguing that, particularly in poor societies, development increases rather than decreases levels of migration Clemens, ; De Haas, ; Skeldon, On the other hand, conventional accounts of African migration tend to ignore the role of African states in shaping migration.

This reflects the more general Eurocentric destination-country focus of migration research. In order to fill these research gaps and gain a better understanding of the nature and causes of African migration, this paper analyses the evolution of migrations within, towards and from Africa in the post-colonial era, and explores the main factors explaining changes in the volume and the direction of these migrations.

It will do so by drawing on new longitudinal databases containing data on migration stocks and flows, which have significantly extended the capacity to perform such analyses. Before embarking upon the empirical analysis, however, we will further explore the theoretical arguments that compel us to critically rethink role of development and states in migration processes. This argument was originally put forward by Zelinsky, in his Hypothesis of the Mobility Transition. Zelinsky argued that processes of modernisation and economic development have historically coincided with increasing rural-to-urban migration followed by a subsequent increase in emigration.

When societies become wealthy emigration decreases and immigration increases, leading to a mobility or migration transition, in which countries gradually transform from countries of net emigration into countries of net immigration. In reality most migrants do not move from the poorest to the wealthiest countries, and the poorest countries tend to have lower levels of emigration than middle-income and wealthier countries. This idea helps us to understand why development is often associated to increased levels of migratory as well as non-migratory mobility such as commuting, tourism and business travel.

At the same time, improvements in infrastructure and transportation, which usually accompany development, make travel less costly and risky, enabling migration over increasing distances. Yet increased migration capabilities do not automatically lead to migration if people do not aspire to do so. Both these aspirations and perceptions about geographical opportunities are highly subjective and likely to change under the influence of social and cultural change. Although poor people do also migrate, they tend to do so less often, and if they migrate, they tend to do so overall smaller distances.

This also seems to explain why the skilled and relatively wealth are overrepresented among long-distance international migrants. This particularly holds when border controls and immigration restrictions increase the costs and risks of migrating to wealthy countries. We can therefore also expect emigration to become less selective if societies as a whole become wealthier and more developed, as this will also lift relatively poor people above the material threshold needed to migrate internationally, initially to neighbouring countries but increasingly also overseas.

Organisation internationale pour les migrations

If societies get wealthier, more people can imagine a future within their own country and emigration is likely to decrease. Wealthy societies, however, remain highly mobile and migratory. This is partly related to the high levels of educational and occupational specialisation, and overall organisational complexity of modern societies, which requires people to move within and across borders to fulfil the desire to match qualifications and personal preferences with labour market and social opportunities.

The higher skilled therefore tend to migrate more and over larger distances. This shows that it is illusionary to think that large-scale migration is somehow a temporary phenomenon that will disappear once — an equally illusionary — equilibrium is achieved, as conventional push-pull models would predict.

This also ignores the fact that poor countries are also destination countries. While the increasing immigration restrictions and border controls put in place by European destination states have received ample attention, the role of colonial and post-colonial African states in shaping migration processes is poorly understood. This is a major research gap. First, colonial occupation and concomitant practices of the slave trade and the systematic use of forced labour and recruitment have in many ways shaped contemporary migration patterns within and from the continent Cohen, During the period of colonial liberation, millions of people fled conflicts with colonial powers reluctant to relinquish control Algeria, Kenya, etc.

Yet, the defeat of old-style colonialism and the establishment of independent states often did not necessarily mean a return to peaceful conditions Castles et al. During the Cold War, East and West fought proxy wars in Africa while backing undemocratic regimes and supporting the toppling of democratic governments. Political and economic pressures, arms supplies, mercenaries and even direct military intervention were factors contributing to new conflicts or the continuation of old ones Zolberg, Suhrke, and Aguayo, Decolonisation also heralded a phase of state formation, in which newly established African states have endeavoured to instil a sense of national unity in ethnically diverse societies, which often created considerable internal tensions and has regularly erupted in violent conflicts cf.

Davidson, State formation processes and concomitant conflicts have theoretically uncertain effects on population mobility, which are as yet poorly understood. On the one hand, instability, uncertainty and conflict may provide incentives for people to leave. On the other hand, it may also provide incentives for people to stay in order to provide protection for their families. In the same vein, people living under authoritarian regime may more often wish to migrate, but authoritarian states may also have a higher willingness and capacity to control and restrict emigration.

This may explain why a recent analysis of global migrant stock data found a robustly positive relationship between the level of political freedom and emigration De Haas, Although the formation of nation states can go along with increasing migration cf. Processes of state formation may also have increased the urge among leaders of newly established states to assert national sovereignty by introducing immigration restrictions and border controls and to portray immigrants as a threat to sovereignty, security and ethnic homogeneity or stability in a bid to rally political support.

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In this context, African governments have frequently resorted to deportations. For instance, Adepoju, counted 23 mass expulsions of migrants conducted by 16 different African states between and Political tensions and military conflict pushed many countries to attempt to seal off their mutual borders, such as between the Frontline States in Southern Africa with South Africa as part of the anti-Apartheid struggle and between Morocco and Algeria as part of the conflict around the Western Sahara.

Particularly, socialist states such as Algeria and Egypt under Nasser saw large-scale emigration as a source of brain drain and a threat to sovereignty, and therefore tried to curb emigration Collyer, ; Fargues, , p. This shows that states can both facilitate and constrain migration in various direct and indirect — and therefore complex — ways, and that this relation needs in-depth empirical inquiry to be better understood. Dimensions of analysis and theory-derived ideas on migration determinants.

Emigration initially increases with development, to decrease at higher development levels. Autocratic and nationalist governments are better able and willing to reduce levels of emigration and immigration. Development leads to an increasing proportion of populations to migrate to other continents. African migration research is haunted by the lack of reliable official data and the absence of appropriate sampling frameworks in the form of census or survey data. Although these problems are far from resolved, recently, the availability of new migration databases has significantly expanded the scope to conduct analyses on migration from, to and within Africa 2.

This database is based on census data and population register records when census data were not available. While the release of this database has drastically increased the potential to assess long-term migration trends, it has some limitations. Moreover, irregular migration is generally not taken into account and if data was missing some values have been estimated. This database also has its limitations. In general, migration flow data is generally less reliable than stock data and its coverage is patchier.

For instance, flow data are not available for some important destination countries such as the United Kingdom. When flow data are based on population registers they are not always comparable because the registration criteria such as duration of stay can vary considerably across countries. This paper will use these new data sources to analyses the evolution of migration patterns within, towards and from Africa in the — period. The analysis of the GBMD stock data will give a global and long-term perspective of the evolution of these migrations.

The analysis of the DEMIG C2C flow data will give better insights into the recent evolution of African migration to Europe, North America and Oceania, as well as patterns of diversification in terms of destination and origin countries. To assess the level of development of African countries, world development indicators available on the World Bank website will be used GDP, mortality rate of children under five years old, fertility rate and proportion of rural population.

Yet, to measure the intensity of emigration it is more appropriate to calculate the volume of migration in relation to the size of the population born in origin countries or destination countries. To measure emigration intensity we divided the numbers of emigrants from each country by the population born in the same country. In order to measure the relative importance of immigration from particular African or non-African countries in destination countries, we calculated immigration intensity by dividing the number of migrants from particular origin countries African and non-African in each destination country by the population born in each of these countries.

It is important to emphasise that these measures for emigration and immigration intensities are based on migrant stock data, and should therefore not be confused with migration rates which are usually based on annual flow data. Migration intensities give a general estimate of the intensity of migration to and from particular countries in the recent past. Evolution of emigration intensity from African countries per ; weighted by population size. Source: Global Bilateral Migration Database.

Evolution of emigration intensity by African region per ; weighted by population size. Evolution of emigration intensity from African countries emigrants per people born in each country. The paradox of declining intra-African migration might partly be explained by the fact that decolonisation and the concomitant antagonism between newly created states may have indeed increased intra-continental barriers to movement.

The comparatively high migration levels in West-Africa seem linked to the fact that this region contains many smaller countries both in population and in land surface.

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In countries with small populations, more migration is likely to spill over national borders, explaining why small countries have on average higher emigration intensities De Haas, Other factors may include that many ethnic groups are spread in several West-African countries which provide strong network connections across borders, as well as the fact that under colonial rule strong generally coast-bound migration patterns were already established.

OECD, Extra-continental emigration intensity as a proportion of total emigration intensity percentage. Second, some other countries, such as Angola and Ethiopia and to some extent Somalia, Sudan, Kenya and Uganda stand out as countries with strong extra-continental connections but weak regional migratory connections. This is possibly related to conflict and long-distance networks created as a consequence of refugee resettlement and in the case of Angola colonial ties.

Third, South Africa has relatively low emigration intensity, but as far as people emigrate it is overwhelmingly out-of-the-continent. More generally, it seems that countries with a high proportion of extra-continental emigration intensity are those with comparatively higher levels of economic development.

Evolution of immigration intensity from African countries immigrants per inhabitants. The maps indicate that there has been an increasing concentration of African migrant populations in particular countries or clusters of countries. The overall pattern has been coast-bound migration from more marginal inland countries and areas. Post-independence migration has been increasingly about urbanisation and the concomitant transfer of population from inland, marginal rural areas to fertile agricultural areas, towns and cities which are often located in coastal areas.

While Coastal West Africa and Southern Africa are larger, historically well-established immigration zones, the migration hubs in Djibouti and the oil economies of Gabon from West and Central Africa and Libya from neighbouring countries have more recently risen as major African migration destinations. The number of countries, however, with high immigration intensity has decreased over time, which reflects a general trend of decreasing intra-African migration.

While declining intra-African migration is not a uniform process, it fundamentally questions popular accounts of African migration as high and rapidly increasing. More research into the causes of declining intra-African migration intensity is required, hopefully with improved data. One possible explanation is that independence, the attempts to create nation-states cf. Davidson, and the concomitant drive to assert restrictive border regimes may have curbed migration to a certain extent. Between and , the large majority of African countries gained independence. Under colonial rule, mobility between countries, particularly when they were under the same colonial authority, may have been easier than after decolonisation, when states may have been keen to assert their newly acquired sovereignty by demarcating borders.

Particularly when states embarked upon a more protectionist political and economic track, this may have coincided with increasing immigration restrictions and nationalism. For instance, in the s and s many West African migrants moved to Ghana. After the coup in Ghana and the concomitant economic decline, the immigrant community became a scapegoat. But corruption and misguided economic policies precipitated a crisis, and in — an estimated two million low-skilled West Africans were deported from Nigeria, including over one million Ghanaians Van Hear, , p.

Although African states are often said to have very porous borders, there has definitely been a drive to make them less porous as part of a larger quest to assert the sovereignty of African over their territory and the populations inhabiting that territory. This sharp decrease in the presence of non-African immigrants in Africa, particularly in North and Central Africa seems to partly reflect the departure of colonial administrators and settlers after independence, such as the massive departure of French colons from Algeria.

But it also reflects a sharp decrease in immigration from Europe, the Indian subcontinent to East and Southern Africa and Lebanon mainly to West Africa. In some cases it reflects policies of ethnic cleansing, such as the deportation of Ugandan residents of Indian by the Idi Amin regime. In , oil-rich Libya and Gabon remain among the rare countries that attract significant shares of non-African immigrants. Destinations of African migrants in , and Absolute numbers of African migrants in destination countries in , and While the GBMD is useful to identify long-term migration trends ad patterns, there are less useful for analysing more recent trends in African migration.

Second, the last census round included in the GBMD dates back to In order to substantiate and complement the preceding analysis, we analyse recent flow data from the DEMIG C2C database, which is particularly useful to uncover recent trends of extra-continental African migration. African migration flows to selected OECD countries by continent of destination 5. Evolution of extra-continental African emigration by region of origin 6. Evolution of the regions of origin of African migrants by continent of destination.

African migration to the Americas US and Canada is much more diverse, although Southern and Central Africa are relatively underrepresented in this migration. They invite us to reconsider social spaces as well as the institutions associated with them. The commons refer more to a process than to categories of goods or services. The choice therefore hinges on explicit collective political decisions.

Rather, it must be assessed through a dynamic and multi-criterion approach that incorporates equity and sustainability. This view of efficiency hinges on solid social capital, solidarity between members, reducing transaction costs through trust, and a willingness to achieve shared well-being Brondizio, Ostrom, and Young For a development aid agency, the commons approach makes sense. It urges greater consideration of challenges that might be otherwise neglected, including biodiversity, healthcare, education, and security.

It places users and beneficiaries at the core of regulation and management processes. However, the commons may be vulnerable. The topic of the commons and development policies is rife with questions in need of answers. The aim of this conference is to bring together researchers and their work and to stimulate dialogue at the intersection between commons and development dynamics on an international scale through recourse to a variety of analytical frameworks and disciplines.

Papers dealing with one of the following four non-mutually exclusive research themes are preferred, while cross-cutting analyses dealing with more than one research theme are also welcome See Annexe :. Aykut, S. Gouverner le climat? Paris: Presse de Sciences Po.

12th AFD International Conference on Development : Commons and Development

Brondizio E. Ostrom, and O. Diaw, M. Giraud, G. Paris: Flammarion 3rd ed. Hardin, G. Kanbur, R. An Exchange of the Strengths and. Download the text "Language s of Schooling". Download the text "Language and school subjects - Linguistic dimensions of knowledge building in school curricula". Download the Italian version of the text "Language and school subjects - Linguistic dimensions of knowledge building in school curricula" Lingua e discipline scolastiche — Dimensioni linguistiche nella costruzione delle conoscenze nei curricoli. Whatever the subject, all knowledge building in the school context involves working with language.

The purpose of this text is to suggest a general approach enabling different levels of specification of these language dimensions to be classed in transversal descriptive categories.


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The aim is to describe the process leading from units for analysis of actual uses to the identification of linguistic forms and mechanisms appropriate to those uses. It is also relevant to teacher trainers, particularly those responsible for the teaching of disciplines other than languages taught as a subject.

Related studies available in "Language s in other subjects" on this Platform. Download the document "Language s in and for inclusive education in Northrhine-Westfalia Germany ". Download the French version fo the document "Language s in and for inclusive education in Northrhine-Westfalia Germany ".

Download the Concept Paper: "The linguistic and educational integration of children and adolescents from migrant backgrounds". Within this multidimensional framework, Chapter 2 seeks to identify the policy and implementation challenges that confront member states. Chapter 3 explains how the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages CEFR and the European Language Portfolio have been adapted to support the language learning of migrant children and adolescents who are beginners in the language of schooling.

Finally, Chapter 4 briefly introduces the different dimensions of educational and linguistic integration addressed by the studies and resources that complement this document. This is the case with recently arrived migrant children or children from indigenous minorities in polities where their regional language is not recognised. This presentation was given during an intergovernmental conference organised by the Language Policy Division in Strasbourg June on "Languages of schooling and the right to plurilingual and intercultural education".

Download the presentation "Approach to specific needs of disadvantaged learners". Download the study "Migrant pupils and formal mastery of the language of schooling: variations and representations".

Jørgen Carling

When migrant children and adolescents arrive in their host country knowing nothing of the language of schooling, they must simultaneously master conversational and academic varieties of the language. Second and third-generation migrants typically face a different challenge.

They may be conversationally fluent in the language of schooling, but their mastery of literacy in the standard language can easily be impeded by the presence of deviant forms in their idiolect. The study has far-reaching implications for French as language of schooling and challenges linguists to carry out similar studies for other languages. Download the study "Language diagnostics in multilingual settings with respect to continuous procedures as accompaniment of individualized learning and teaching". This study provides an introduction to language diagnostics in multilingual educational settings, with particular reference to the needs of children and adolescents from migrant backgrounds.

It summarises the objectives and functions of language diagnostics and the principles that govern diagnostics, including formative assessment, as an integral part of continuous language education that emphasises individualised teaching and learning. From a theoretical perspective diagnostic procedures in multilingual settings treat language learning as a socio-cultural activity.

The Languages in and for Education project has at its centre a commitment to an integrated approach to language teaching and learning. Download the study "Languages of schooling: focusing on vulnerable learners". In order to achieve educational success pupils from migrant backgrounds must be more than conversationally fluent in the language of schooling: they must also master the varieties of academic language that constitute the fabric of the different curriculum subjects.

This study suggests some of the ways in which this challenge can be met. Download the study "Languages in and for Education: a role for portfolio approaches? Download the French version of the study "Languages in and for Education: a role for portfolio approaches? It has been taken up in almost thirty Council of Europe member states and models had been accredited by the spring of But can the LE project benefit from the pedagogical experience that has accumulated over ten years of ELP implementation?

Download the study "Professional development for staff working in multilingual schools". Despite growing numbers of students with diverse language histories attending school across Europe, systematic and structured professional education to prepare teachers and educational managers for work in multilingual schools is still relatively rare.

Both initial teacher education and professional development for mainstream teachers tend not to problematise the language of schooling, assuming that all students are fully fluent, competent users of the language, in and out of the classroom. Professional development needs to address this and other issues.