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Immediately after the war, latent nationalist tensions expressed themselves in bitter disputes over contested borders and trade barriers.https://atelier-nicola.de/images/kuriruh/802-chistes-muy.php
Demonstrations against high prices and shortage of food degenerated in plundering and looting of shops and magazines in the most regions of Central and Eastern Europe. Because the catastrophic harvests of in Central and Eastern Europe yielded grain crops of only 60 to 70 percent of the prewar figures, famine threatened a high percentage of the population, particularly in the larger cities like Berlin, Vienna, Prague, and Warsaw.
After negotiations in Prague and Vienna, Goodyear concluded an agreement to furnish Vienna Gas Works with a minimum of 1, tons of gas coal daily from the Ostrau-Karwin field. Goodyear also signed a protocol with Austrian, Czechoslovak and Polish representatives concerning the distribution of coal in Central Europe upon the figures for consumption in In the light of 20th century European history one could talk about of two basic models of empire dissolution: The Haburg model och the Romanov model.
Austria-Hungary suffered a breakdown and dissolution at the beginning of November In the peace treaty seven states partitioned the empire. The dissolution of the Russian empire was a long and painful process from the abdication of Nicholas II to the peace of Riga between Poland and Russia The foundation of the Soviet Union signified the birth of a new empire — the Soviet Union was both a successor state and a new empire. The process saw several consecutive regimes in Russia, civil wars, revolutions and interventions in the central regions and borderlands. The process was more violent than the dissolution of the Habsburg empire.
Another important difference was that Russia did not fall apart as totally as Austria- Hungary. In the Russian case the emergence of new states meant a severance of border areas from a dimished center, not a dissolution of the whole empire. The victors and the successor states had to deal with them bilaterally.
The number of countries introducing electoral reform or entering Europe as new states around is striking. Monarchs were deposed, elected legislative assemblies were introduced, suffrage was expanded to include the entire adult male population and often women as well, and methods of voting were modernized. In Europe, Russia, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Romania, Belgium, Italy, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, and Sweden experienced democratization in some form, and many of the newly emerging states, such as Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Austria, introduced a republican form of government with universal suffrage for women and men.
This paper plans to underline the differentiated approach to the relationship between World War I and democratization. It will do so focusing on electoral reform in a comparative perspective. A particular question to address will be why enfranchisement, especially for women, was extended in some European countries in the period , and not in others. Another main topic will touch on the modernization of electoral procedures, referring to a few examples as thorough research on this topic is still lacking. In his war message of April 2, , U. What did he mean when he called for making the world safe for democracy?
Did he really wage a crusade for democracy? And how did the president react to demands by woman suffragists and racial minorities that making the world safe for democracy must begin at home? His pursuit of democracy as a war aim was predicated on American national interests rather than a desire to spread the blessings of democracy worldwide. Due to time constraints, I will have to paint with a broad brush and privilege argument over empirical detail. Mai bekamen die Deutschen den ganzen Vertragstext, ohne eigentlichen Verhandlungsspielraum.
Kurzum wurden die neuen Prinzipien nicht rein angewandt. Originally the Paris Peace Conference was planned to take two directions. As the host country, Paris initially proposed that the Allies follow the procedures adopted in the Vienna Congress in Following a relatively short process, the most important clauses would be agreed among the major allies and quickly imposed upon the vanquished parties as the preliminaries for peace.
Thereafter, time would be taken to negotiate all aspects of the final treaty with both the vanquished parties and the smaller allies. President Wilson, however, had other ideas. Every possible provision, some of which were very complex, would be negotiated simultaneously based on detailed input from 58 expert committees. This had two consequences: the experts largely dictated the negotiation process, sometimes meaning that political priories were overlooked. However, many features of the existing European system were retained: the major Allies had control, with the smaller countries only invited to the negotiations regarding their particular interests.
In concrete terms, the new borders were set not only on the basis of nationality or self-determination by the population, but also according to strategic or economic factors or the interests of the victors. In short, the new principles were not applied unadulteratedly. In many cases the new features of the treaties were based on further developments of provisions agreed at earlier European congresses. In conclusion, despite the many failings of the Paris Conference, one can nonetheless see in its provisions an important stage in the development of the international order.
For many years historians have assumed that the prospect for a League or Society of Nations was a throwaway element of French policy at the Paris Peace Conference. They have focused on the power political aspects of the security programme pursued by the government of Premier Georges Clemenceau. This paper will argue that the French delegation came to the League of Nations Commission with a well developed blueprint for a Society of Nations. This programme rested on a coherent vision of the future of international relations based on the rule of law backed up by multilateral force whose origins and evolution can be traced clearly and in detail to pre thinking about this topic among French internationalists such as Leon Bourgeois, Fernand Larnaude and others.
Dies soll durch einige Beispiele illustriert werden. In Paris war es nicht einmal gelungen, die vertraglich fest zugesicherten Territorien zu sichern. In der Forschung ist umstritten, ob die Ruhrbesetzung von den Versuch darstellte, Versailles doch noch zu revidieren, aber zumindest ist diese Meinung vertreten worden. When the victorious powers met in Paris at the start of to draw up a peace treaty, it was evident to them that a World War needed to be wound up and that global solutions were therefore required.
A young British diplomat expressed the hope that they could now ring in a period of lasting peace. This estimation proved false, as many military conflicts continued for years and the Paris Treaties were not able to bring them to an end. Nor was this anything like as stable as hoped: right from the outset the legitimacy of the new order was challenged from many sides.
Research in recent years has shown that after the First World War the objective categories of victory and defeat did not correspond exactly to the subjective mood among many of the peoples of Europe. Objectively the number of victorious powers is easy to determine by the states which signed the five treaties, but subjectively, the situation looked quite different from the point of view of those involved. This will be demonstrated by means of examples. With the exception of Great Britain and Czechoslovakia, all nations had influential elites that were unhappy with the results of the Paris Conference and which strove for revision in the following years.
Only in Austria was revisionism held in check as it was all too evident that restoring the dual monarchy was not possible in any conceivable constellation. In the other defeated nations, Germany, Hungary, Bulgaria and Turkey, central actors were determined not to accept the results that came out of Paris. On top of this, people in Eastern and East-Central Europe who had previously fought against the Entente, now found themselves on the side of the victors.
Czechoslovakia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Croatia and Poland found it extremely difficult to construct consistent narratives which created an integrative national culture of remembrance in respect of the war. In the government had taken Italy into the war in the hope of easy gains, but in the country was facing disaster.
In Paris they had not even succeeded in acquiring the lands they had been promised in a treaty. From the objective point of view, Greece also numbered among the victorious nations, but the government embarked upon its military adventure against the Ottoman Empire. As we know, the results were catastrophic and by Greece was indisputably one of the major losers in Europe.
Setting aside the special case of the Russian Revolution, even in France there was a perception that the Treaty of Versailles was not sufficient to ensure security in postwar Europe. The suggestion that the occupation of the Ruhr in was an attempt to revoke the treaty of Versailles is disputed in the existing research, but this opinion has at least been put forward. If we were to include the non-European world e. China or many European colonies we could easily add to these examples. They show that when you look at the five Paris Treaties and the so-called postwar order, the classic categories of victor and vanquished blur paradoxically.
Die Teilnahme an der Pariser Friedenskonferenz nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg gilt als erster organisierter diplomatischer Auftritt der Slowenen in der Geschichte. Minister Dr. Mit Ausnahme von Dr. Konsul in St. Its participation at the Paris Peace Conference after the First World War is considered Slovenia's first organised diplomatic appearance in history, even though it was acting as part of a broader delegation alongside the as yet not internationally recognised kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes Yugoslavia.
With the exception of Dr. Following the unification of the Yugoslav state with the Kingdom of Serbia on 1st December , the Slovenes expected that they would be able to push their national demands through at the Peace Conference on the basis of the recognition that Serbia enjoyed as an ally of the Entente. They also believed that in the Slovenian case, the Peace Conference would follow the principles set out by Woodrow Wilson, who defended the right of people to self-determination. The Italian representatives sought to weaken the young Yugoslavian state as far as possible, on issues of borders supporting the neighbouring states of the Serb, Croat and Slovene kingdom.
Furthermore, in setting out their territorial demands in respect of Italy, Austria and Hungary, the Slovenian delegates and experts were rather ambitious, in which they were, for the most part, supported by their Serbian and Croatian colleagues. Whilst Wilson remained the strongest proponent of a plebiscite for Carinthia despite Slovenian reservations, he was not willing to support similar Slovenian demands for a referendum in the coastal region.
Apponyi thereby criticised the Peace Treaty which in his opinion had not ended the war. He therefore demanded the revision of the Treaty of Trianon. Five years before, in December , the American President Woodrow Wilson, upon his arrival in Europe, was welcomed by the public with almost messianic adoration in Paris and in London as well.
Closely connected with this was the call for a replacement of the Balance of Power-System. The judgement that the Balance of Power-System had to be overcome was mainly held by liberals and left-wing circles in Great Britain and the United States. However, it was not supported by all European politicians, particularly not by Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau. In November , once in power, Lenin proclaimed not only the distribution of land to the peasants, but also the immediate end of war operations, the start of negotiations with the Central Powers in the hope that they would be carried out on the basis of a peace without compensation and reparation and the right to self-determination for the people of Czarist Russia extended even to the right to secede from the common state.
KEYNOTE: John Horne (Dublin) - When did the First World War End? (Summary)
Moreover, to emphasize their break with the traditional diplomacy the Bolsheviks made public the secret treaties concluded within the Entente-alliance, based on traditional power policy and the acquisition of foreign territories. Such measures, pursued with the utmost determination, brought into effect a radical transformation in the rules of foreign policy. Originally Wilson did not intend for this formula to include the right of secession from an existing state but rather had in mind the spread of democracy all over Europe. Nevertheless, under the pressure of circumstances, Wilson was forced to guarantee self-determination i.
Its failure was evident already in , when the United States refused to enter the League of Nations. The most prominent advocate of self-determination was not surprisingly Germany. To conclude, a principle formulated with the aim of spreading democracy all over the old Continent, contributed, in the end, to the outbreak of the most appalling conflict the world has hitherto experienced.
Sure enough, this global conflict in most cases formed the end of a long-time collaboration of legal scholars, who had tried to create international norms for transnational disputes. Contributing articles to newspapers and journals most of the men involved joined their national war efforts claiming that their country was legally right, while the enemy was at fault.
The presentation at hand will deal with the issues of the rule of law and retribution in the debate amongst legal scholars that resumed at the end of the First World War. It furthermore wonders to what extent this debate influenced the discussions on penalties at the Paris Peace Conference in First this contribution wonders, whether there was any international or transnational background to the respective discussions in the crisis-ridden post-imperial Austrian society.
From this perspective two specific time periods leading up to the early s can be identified. The first was characterised by endeavours of the Allied Powers to take former German and Austrian elites to court for triggering the armed confrontation of and for war crimes of that period. Thus, the situation up to the midties will be at the centre of the considerations, while the second phase, starting with a gradually prevailing pro-Habsburg discourse, after that left hardly any room for differentiated or critical approaches to the theme.
As the military war drew to a close in November , Austrians continued to feel the presence of war in their everyday lives. The end of war marked not an end to suffering but its persistence. This paper argues that as a lived experience, the period after was, for the majority of the population of the capital city those who had not been expelled , a period of remarkable continuity. Central features of everyday life closely resembled those of the later war years. In the postwar years it was not up for discussion among Austrian demographers, that the Republic of Austria was an overpopulated new state.
At the end of World War I. Shortcomings of transport exacerbated by lack of coal and blockade politics implemented by the governments of the successor states further hampered the situation. In newspapers allover the world Vienna was called a moribund metropolis. Allover the urban and mountainous regions the lack of food was tremendous.
Adults showed a weight loss of kilograms after WWI, year-olds an average under-weight of 10 kilograms, the average body size of Viennese children during the post-war period was reduced to the dimensions of their late 18th century contemporaries. But the shares of severe malnourished children in Wiener Neustadt, Klagenfurt and Salzburg recorded by the American Relief Administration were even higher than in Vienna.
It was mostly the chronically ill who made up the growing number of deaths among the civilian population. Therefore the peak in mortality caused by the Spanish flu was less significant than in other countries. Weltkriegs endete. The latter included the brutal use of force by the fascist squadre against those they accused of being Bolshevik socialists. A series of wrong decisions by the various governments after the end of the war and the support of the King resulted in Mussolini being appointed prime minister at the end of October and, following a spectacular crisis for the regime in the 2nd half of , the subsequent development of the fascist dictatorship from on.
By the founding of the totalitarian state was essentially compete, whereupon, during the s, it embarked upon its campaign to create a Mediterranean empire, which ended in the catastrophe of the 2nd World War. The postwar crisis in the defeated Austria may have been more dramatic, but the development of its own dictatorship, modelled on the Italian fascist dictatorship, took somewhat longer and in took an abrupt turn towards the Nazi dictatorship.
After a long and unsuccessful war, the misery of the postwar society in Austria should have been more extreme than that in Italy, especially since the decline from being a great power to the calamitous insignificance of a republic which was not even considered viable seemed more traumatic.
By comparison, the later Austrian version, itself the result of civil war style conflicts, seems less than complete. Das war wahrscheinlich gar nicht zu erwarten. Aber man kann besondere Problemzonen benennen. Den Ausweg in einer Hyperinflation zu suchen, mag solch ein Fehler gewesen sein, auch wenn er dem Land wahrscheinlich den Aufstand der Arbeiterschaft ersparte. The Austria which emerged in from defeat in the war and the collapse of the Habsburg monarchy was undoubtedly the biggest loser of the First World War, despite the fact that, based on the statistical key performance indicators, the German Austrian Republic could have been the richest heir of the Habsburg Empire, with, according to the pre-war data, the highest per capita income, the highest level of national wealth per capita, the highest level of social capital, the highest level of education, the best administrative apparatus, the highest number of university professors and the best cultural resources.
However, unlike Germany, Austria was really only a small remnant of a former great nation. Whilst, despite being defeated, Germany remained a great nation and lost only an eighth of its territory and much less of its economic strength, Austria was reduced to around one eighth of its original area and population and the Habsburg Empire was divided up into six successor states. This must have had dramatic consequences for the national product, the infrastructure, trade and general living standards for all of the successor states.
In contrast to Czechoslovakia and Poland, however, in Austria the sense of being liberated and the euphoria of founding a nation were missing. Even in Hungary, the loss of a large proportion of its territory was at least somewhat mitigated by the sensation of now being completely independent from Austria. Austria's economy during the interwar era was no success story. This was probably quite unexpected, but certain problem areas can be identified. Seeking a way out through hyperinflation may have been one such error, even if it almost certainly spared the country an uprising by the workers.
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