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The fascination of children for repetition is a ludic mechanism in itself, and allows them to be amazed at fables told over and over with the exact same words. There are few experiences that allow for novelty to be metabolized in the way play does. To Caillois, who has certainly absorbed some concepts from his friend Bataille , play makes mystery into a value that should not be preserved, but used.

From this we can infer that play becomes wealth if one is prepared for maximum expense , if one can avoid greed. This is also true of gambling. And finally, I will say this again: play is necessary , it is an aspect of the adaptation process that makes the child properly human; but it is really a game only if it is unnecessary. In human play, the adaptive potential is bond to the ability to derealize oneself.

Adaptation only occurs through the invention of a world and derealization is essential to give meaning to the real. Games are not techniques, even when they make use of sophisticate machines; they are ways to give meaning to techniques, to re-invent them beyond their first invention. Games are not tools and if they are a part of human adaptation it is because their contradictory nature makes them more flexible than any other human activity, with the possible exception of imagination, a close relative of play.

Applied paradoxes, paradoxical consequences The anarchic and paradoxical nature of play is an essential part of what I have defined as the new ludic system. In many ways it constitutes its deepest foundation. Let us consider the presence of teddy bears, balloons and other toys in a growing number of funeral rites or in what American culture defines as makeshift rituals. It seems that their purpose is to conciliate the unconciliable — rituals and informality — while communicating a message of authenticity. They are transitional toys in the sense of the word proposed by Winnicott the teddy bear is coupled with the separation from the mother or at the very least toys that bridge two worlds, like balloons that fly out of the hands of children, symbolically marrying the heaven and the earth.

They symbolize separation and at the same time help accepting it. Still another paradox, since mourning and play seemed to be two unconciliable worlds. This is often reversed into an icky ceremony think of applauses, inspired by TV rather than games, that welcome coffins ; informality can become no less repetitive than traditional sternness, only without solemnity. Let us shift to the casual game Angry Birds , where a flock of birds are shot through a sling towards an army of green pigs in increasingly difficult levels.

The interest of the company that produced the game is not in selling it — in fact, it is free — but in the fact that exasperated players often buy using real money their way to the next level. The idiocy of the situation is not extraneous to the success of the game; in fact, it is a defining part of it. This apparently makes the bubble in which they are immersed less dangerously autistic and facilitates the possibility of playing the game in short bursts, something typical of casual games.

The result is that one of the most popular cultural products on the planet is a surreally idiotic challenge. The role of play and games in war technologies — such as those described by Langewiesche — is even more surprising. The instrumental function for which the techniques and language of video games are employed is evident: controlling the theater of war is made easier through a clarity that would not be possible in reality, where the confusion both of the mind and of the senses , fear and emotion of real combat are inevitable But if we stopped at this instrumental aspect we would have missed the most important evidence.

What kind of soldier is this soldier ludens? He is a war professional in a culture that cannot make violence acceptable. The paradox of play frames the very nature of the military action: is it a game that has devastating effects or is it war turned into a game? Is this the first non-violent soldier of human history? The most peculiar effect is that this is for sure a bureaucrat-soldier. Goodbye play. Resource and paradox. The rise of the homo ludicus is happening in a fragmentary, complex and contradictory way.

One of the tasks at hand is perhaps that of going beyond the brilliant intuitions of Mead, Vygotsky, Piaget, Bruner, Bateson and Caillois. In a book that still today provides astonishing arguments, the young and invaluable thinker of the 18 th century Novalis asks whether beside logic we should build a fantastic. This would be an anti-scientific science explaining the processes of imagination and invention like logic possesses those of rational thinking. One of the most urgent scientific goals of this century is to build a ludic , a way of thinking about play that could provide the foundations of the fantastic.

The translation of this article was curated by Riccardo Fassone and Adam Gallimore. References Babel, I. Story of My Dovecote. Babel Ed. New York, NY: Norton.

Αθλητισμος/ Δραστηριοτητες

Bakhtin, M. Rabelais and His World. Bataille, G. On Nietzsche. London, England: Continuum Original work published Bruner, J. Nature and Uses of Immaturity. American Psychologist , 27 8 , Caillois, R. Man, Play and Games. Chesterton, G. The Toy Theatre. Chesterton Ed.

Eliot, M. Langewiesche, W. Esecuzioni a distanza. Milano, Italy: Adelphi. Latour, B. Where Are the Missing Masses? The Sociology of a Few Mondane Artifacts. Law Eds. Lotman, J. Mead, G. Play, School, and Society. Nietzsche, F. Poto, D. La scienza nuova. Milano: Rizzoli Original work published Vygotsky, L. Mind in Society. The Development of Higher Psychological Processes. Tool and Symbol in Child Development. London, England: Blackwell Original work published Winnicott, D. Playing and Reality. Tavistock: London. Witkowski, N.

The recent success of non-standard and playful interface devices like Wii Remote, Move, and Kinect is an indicator of a process that demonstrates that ludic interfaces might be the core driver for a transformation in the sector of video games cultures and beyond. The interfaces hold up a mirror to social processes that are reflected within recent interface design. The changes we are about to see are of relevance to age and gender-related issues, to the attitude and the style of the gaming community, and to a gamification of non-gaming cultural groups and settings.

Ludic interfaces demonstrate how playfulness is about to intrude systems, devices and relationships that were once governed by determinism, control, and straightforward teleological thinking. Gamification processes that alter the mode of this very interaction between humans and machines are indicators—on a superstructure level—of how basic relations amongst humans are changing. It seems therefore not sufficient to study the effects of gamification on an object level by investigating images, sound, and the textuality of games, nor does it seem sufficiently encompassing to study playfulness as a subjective property of the player individual.

We suggest studying gamification at the point where game and players meet: the interface. One of the questions that arise from such a methodological framing is about which instance in the game-interface-player system owns ludicity. Is it the game where playfulness resides? Ebooks and Manuals

Is it the interface? The questions posed here are of relevance for the young medium of computer games, they are however related to a discourse that is known as the expressionist-arousalist dispute in musical semantics. The problem reappears dressed in new clothes within the medium of videogames. It would be too early for the assumption that we can unfold the discourse by proposing an expressionist or arousalist theory of ludicity. Games inhabit a media-specific context, that is different to the musical context. As a consequence a theory of gamification would have to embrace game-specific foundations to arrive at valid assumptions on what happens with games and what games are about to effect on non-gaming sectors of society.

The view of games as the lead medium that drives our social development has only emerged recently. Our society is not any longer mainly influenced by the products and decisions Hollywood makes or by the formats and content the television industry imposes upon us, but by innovation and ideology that stems from video and computer games. If one wanted to describe gamification as the penetration of our society with methods, metaphors, values and attributes of games—as I suggest here—then ludification would be the infiltration of society with play-related aspects, i. What is a ludic method? Let us for example assume that an airline has flights for sale.

The later you buy the flight the more expensive it gets. If you try to buy your flight too late, i. This is a rule-set that works as the basis for a method to exchange services against money, and it is a rule-set that fulfills all of the criteria for a game 6 the magic circle included, because the method only works inside the magic circle. That is what I would like to call a ludic method. A ludic metaphor is a literary figure of speech that is built upon connotations to the semantic field of games and play.

A game-related constituent, to finish with this, could be a pawn, a token, a dice, or the graphic layout of a board game. A ludic attribute would be the property of such a constituent, e. If a spreadsheet that is used in work-related processes is adopting the attributes of game-related objects, and appropriates—to stick to the example—the look and feel of a roulette table, we might talk about the gamification of a software product.

Accordingly we might talk about gamification of cultural processes or social activities. Even if one does not want to follow him there, it will be possible to detect gamification at many occasions in the sense that Deterding, Khaled, Nacke, and Dixon define it. This definition is assuming that a design process and an intended transfer of design elements take place when gamification happens.

To paraphrase a statement of William S. Penetration, infiltration and viral behaviour are features that point out that gamification might not always be valued in a positive manner. Of course Bogost knew that this pimple would not go away. In the German-speaking academic world the notion of Ludifizierung has been used in a way that is not synonymous to ludification. In other words, they observe the ludification of pedagogy just as one side of the coin that says on the other side: let us turn play into pedagogically relevant activity Serious Games as it is called now.

Harvard Classics, Letter XV p. For Schiller education was inextricably connected to play. There is another notion introduced by Markus Montola, Annika Waern and others that holds a close relationship to gamification and stresses the fact that we do not always notice when we are gamified or when the software we use is gamified. The authors suggest that we often play, even if we do not consider it as being involved in a game. This is an interesting counter-strike to the theoretical approach that proposes that gamification is consciously consumed.

The concept of unaware gaming leaves it open whether the process of gamification leads towards increased usability and user-friendliness or whether gamification could under certain circumstances be considered as ideology. Ludicity is a Property of the Game Much of the rhetorics the games industry uses is based on the assumption that there are applications or devices that are playful per se. FarmVille or other add-ons to facebook and similar social media tell us that the application is fun to play.

The smiling faces on the package of a WiiRemote controller want to tell us that by using the controller we will encounter a joyful playtime. Playfulness is marketed as a property of the game itself. The reification of playfulness as a property of an object is of course a seductive suggestion. It suggests that everybody can buy pleasant ludic experience by buying the object. But can an object of any kind be playful? At first glance it seems that objects do not have a potential for playfullness per se.

A wooden stick can be a toy. A stone can be a toy. A cunningly-designed toy can be a toy—or it can in praxi not be a toy. It depends on whether the object is used playfully or not. It is not a property of a stone or a stick to be a toy, as anything can be played with. It seems to be rather the application context that makes an object a toy in a given situation and at a given moment. Then take the same bricks and place them in an Egyptian temple in BC.

Finally, try placing the LEGO bricks in front of the curator of a contemporary design museum in central Tokyo. What you will find is that the bricks will be used as a toy in one of the cases and as a sacred object or a piece of design history in the other cases.

It seems that playfulness can never be owned by the object alone. Ludicity is owned by the game-designer and communicated via the game It seems therefore reasonable to locate the ludicity not in the object itself, but in the intention of a designer who expresses his or her ludicity via an object, a piece of software, or a device. Musical expressionist theory was criticized for not taking into account any misinterpretations or deliberate deconstructions of musical meaning and musically mediated emotions by the listener Fuchs, b.

The same criticism would hold true for a ludologist, expressionist approach. Even if the game designer wants to convey joy to the player, the emotion felt could be sadness, frustration or anger instead. If a playful state is felt by the game designer, ludicity might be his, but we can not expect that the game is able to transfer the existential orientation or mental state. It looks as if the very same bricks can carry a higher or lower degree of playfulness in different contexts and for different recipients.

Therefore, it seems reasonable to locate the ludicity not in the object itself but in a potential user at a given time and space instead. In musical semantics a related approach is known as arousalism. According to that it is the recipient and not the performer or composer that creates and owns affects, emotions, and connotations. In its most radical form arousalists believe that the whole universe of feelings and ideas is constructed in the head of the listener, with no signifying based on the sign-signifier relationships intended by the author.

In Game Studies, an arousal approach would be equally problematic. What is a toy if objects are assigned ludic potential exclusively by their user? If a toy is an object that can be played with, a stone is also a toy. By taking a user-centred approach in the style of Salen and Zimmerman and extending their notion in the direction of intentionality, one would have to say that an object becomes a toy when users decide to play with it.

Does this imply that objects that are not played with cannot be called toys? That would indeed make the LEGO bricks in the design museum non-toys. A consequence of such an approach would be a split in the world of LEGO bricks, with some of them being toys at a given time and others being non-toys. We seem to be caught in a dilemma! If we suggest that playfulness is owned by the object, we cannot explain how stones and sticks can sometimes become toys. There seems to be a way out, however. The interface is the ultimate ludic device In order to understand the potential of interfaces for any human-machine interaction, it makes sense to look at games as a rich field of interaction set-ups and concepts.

We conceive a game as a system of rules, a player, physical or virtual objects to play with, and a regional and historical context to be played in. We could find meaning in the rules and the development of moves within the rule system. We could alternatively search for meaning in the role the player adopts in the game.

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However, another approach is to interpret the interface between man and machine, machine and machine, or woman and machine as the crucial element in the production of ludic experience and ludic meaning. We want to call these approaches:. Ludic interfaces lend themselves to shifting focus from rules and roles to processes of the deconstruction of rules, roles and socio-historical settings. For this reason game art often focuses on the interface or on an apparent lack of interactivity within the interface provided. Both approaches, i. Ludic interfaces and zero interfaces contain artistic statements intended to oppose ideological concepts in HCI human computer interaction and to set free playfulness in the process of wo man-machine communication Fuchs, a.

It seems that interfaces always have a ludic potential because they are pivotal points between two systems. This is especially true with regard to computer-based interfaces. An essential quality of the digital medium is its ludic potential. Not only can it connect anything to anything, if the necessary interface protocol is developed, but it also makes everything that is translated into its language highly malleable.

The new and innovative types of interfaces might influence how gender-related, age-related, and ethnically specific play can develop new forms and hopefully emancipate from mainstream commercial gaming. Conclusion Our interest in the ownership of ludicity is motivated by the question of how gamification works, and by the related question of what instance in the human-interface-machine system is most vulnerable to infiltration by gamifying processes. Gamification spreads from entertainment to war, from war to work, and from work to the web, and back.

The critical investigation of the potential ownership of ludicity by toys and games, or alternatively by the player has demonstrated that the interface in between game and gamer is most likely to be infected by the virus of gamification. It seems that a society is best prepared to be gamified if the lusory attitude of the whole society is on a high level. It is not the playfulness of the individual gamer or of a group of gamers that gets gamification going. By assigning lusory attitude to a social setting or a social group—and not to an individual player—one clearly escapes the dangers that the notion of lusory attitude holds when interpreted on an individual player level Salen, Zimmermann, Both suffer from the same problem: Where does the drive come from?

Societies are historically constituted and therefore do not follow any preprogrammed drive. We will therefore have to find the mechanisms that make certain historical states of society or sociological settings receptive to play and receptive for gamification. A preparedness for connecting any social activity with game-related rules, behaviour and paraphernalia is the breeding ground for gamification on a wide scale.

As a consequence, societies with high lusory attitude will turn anything into games or into toys. This is where it becomes apparent that talking about Gamification is talking about core driving mechanisms of a society or predominant social groupings within. Gamification is a trend of dramatic changes that take effect on technology, work, war, sports, politics aso. Our hypothesis is that interfaces tend to turn into playful objects of their own, to successfully follow the trend of gamification.

And in using these ludic interfaces, we increasingly turn work, war, sport and health into gamified processes. References Aarseth, E. Cybertext: Perspectives on Ergodic Literature. Beever, A. The Arousal Theory again?. British Journal of Aesthetics , 38 1 , 82— Bogost, I. Unit Operations. An Approach to Videogame Criticism. Persuasive Games: Exploitationware. The Expression Theory of Art. Black Ed. Bad Heilbrunn, Germany: Edition Klinkhardt. Davies, S. The Expression of Emotion in Music. Mind , 89 , 67— Musical Meaning and Expression. Deterding, S. Nacke, L. Gamification: Toward a Definition.

Kunst und Politik der Spiele. Wien, Austria: Sonderzahl Verlag. Fuchs, M. Ilonpilaajia ja pelihaita — Spoilsports and Cardsharps. Proceedings of the Playfulness Conference. Ludic Interfaces. Catlow, M. Morgana Eds. Sinn und Sound. Berlin, Germany: Wissenschaftlicher Verlag. Proceedings of the Conference Videogames Cultures. Grunwald, A. Berlin, Germany: Edition Sigma. Gadamer, H. Stuttgart, Germany: Reclam. Huizinga, J. Homo ludens. A study of the play element in culture.

Huntemann, N. New York, NY: Routledge. Ionifides, C. The Corded Shell. Princeton University Press. Kivy, P. Introduction to a Philosophy of Music. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press. Meyer, L. Emotion and Meaning in Music. The University of Chicago Press.


Explaining Music. Montola, M. Dimitriadi Eds. A challenge for digital culture pp. Athens, Greece: Fournos. Newman, J. Reconfiguring the Videogame Player. Raessens, J. Playful Identities, or the Ludification of Culture. Games and Culture , 1 1 , 52— Salen, K.

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Rules of Play. Game Design Fundamentals. Schell, J. Eliot Ed. New York, NY: P. Strouhal, E. Suits, B. The Grasshopper. University of Toronto Press. Wilson, L. Over the last decade, a new narrative has emerged in favour of the medium of the video game. Noire ; and their consumption allegedly reveals a seemingly never-ending user growth, making them a globalized, pivotal media for the solution of social and political issues on the scale of the whole planet McGonigal, Such a narrative does not match the description we got used to.

Video games used to be noxious objects, encouraging antisocial behaviour and constituting a danger for the health. They could even frame the minds of potential serial killers, as in the Columbine case. In this paper we will highlight some examples of how the descriptions of video games have changed in terms of alleged positive or negative effects for the individual and society, with reference to health, psychological and cognitive aspects, and cultural and aesthetic relevance. We argue that many of the new discourses on games as positive media are not more fair and lucid than those that ostracised video games in the past.

It is however worth asking how these discourses emerge and are structured, despite their inconsistencies, as they reflect wider trends of spontaneous consensus between industries, audiences and institutions, and make us aware of the risks that the critical function of research may be distorted by such trends. Video games, as well as satanic rock and youth subcultures, were on the list of what was to blame.

The massacre at the hands of two students, Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold, at the Columbine High School in Colorado, United States, on the 20 th of April , has been interpreted and commented in many circumstances in regards to the negative effects of media. In reconstructing this story, video games often appeared as one of the favourite hobbies of the two killers, thus suggesting a direct connection between video game playing and homicide tendencies Brown, Baker and Petley addressed in Ill Effects the process by which rock and other media were targeted as bearers of antisocial and noxious effects on youth.

The authors recognized how these media were being depicted as bearers of noxious influences on youth and the audience in general, or as instigators of violence and bad behaviour. In the second edition, published in , video games were considered in their functioning as scapegoats for morally and politically relevant themes on the agenda of the media. The authors would describe gaming as a practice which was being stigmatized like witchcraft. Similar arguments were pivotal in the field of psychology and psychiatric research, as well as for parental organizations. These arguments were consistent with theoretical approaches that would deal with the potential for video game to have violence effects, including the Catalyst Model of aggression which implies a combination of genetic and environmental factors like stress and antisocial personality 10 , and most notably the General Aggression Model GAM , which asserts more vehemently that physical arousal is likely to be affected by simulated violence Kooijmans, The negative bias and scepticism towards video games seemed to permeate all sectors of public discourse.

Whenever games were not used as witches to burn on the stake of the political agenda, they were simply overlooked, and seldom deserved a mention as relevant social objects, even in the academic or intellectual field. Critical counter-arguments, however, were also circulating. To be able to download some of these tools, you need to sign up for the website and buy one of the plans available on the website.

More information. The created web application allows authorized users to view, edit, add, and delete database records. Oracle PHP Generator 8. Designed by Tobias Frere-Jones. Produced by The Font Bureau, Inc. Euro-sign by formgebung Henning Krause, Berlin, Germany. Cookies must be enabled in your browser. Monster Manual 3, and Player's Handbook 3. Song of Myself. Wont you help support Day. I celebrate myself, and sing myself. And what I assume you shall assume. Some class features are useless if you have no allies and so on.

However, the simplified and relatively consistent game mechanics lend themselves well for solo gaming in other respects, and I intend to explore those possibilities. Just for the fun of it. Feel free to comment on my ideas. Adventures Each adventure consists of a number of areas. An area is typically a room in a dungeon. In an adventure PDF or print out, a two-page spread corresponds to an area. Each area has one or more exits that are numbered. The number indicates the area you enter when the character moves to that exit. For example, if you leave area 1 and enter area 4, you flip 3 pages ahead.

Each area is further divided into zones. If you enter a zone, you get to read the detailed description of the zone, and the presence of traps and such is revealed. If there is a trap in the zone and you haven't used Perception to search the square you entered or you failed the check , you spring the trap. If your Perception check was successful, you may choose not to enter the square.

Relevant skill check DCs are given in the area description; however in some cases the skill DC is given only after you have entered a zone that requires you to make skill checks such as a slippery portion of the floor. Character creation Characters creation works pretty much the same as normally.

Some roles and classes may have significantly better chances of survival than others, though.

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Skills, feats, powers and equipment: Some powers, skills or feats may be useless because you have no allies, such as Commander's Strike. If you're planning to use your character only in solo games, choose powers and other character building options that work without allies. Alignment and deities: These are seldom relevant, but some adventures may have special options for characters who have a particular alignment or who worship a particular deity. Languages: Some adventures have monsters that are willing to talk to your character.

Many intelligent creatures speak Common, but sometimes communication is possible only if your character knows a certain language. Similarly, inscriptions and other texts can only be read if your character knows the language the text is written in. Gaining levels As normally, when you earn enough XP, you level up. As soon as you gain a level, you may immediately use your new powers and feats. Acrobatics, Athletics and Endurance 'the physical skills' You can usually take 10 when using these skills unless you're in combat.

If it is evident that you'll need to use balance, the DC is given in the area description. Otherwise, the DC is given when you enter a zone where balancing is required. Can be used only if the area description permits it. The DC is determined by distance as normally. For special obstacles, the DCs are given in the area description. If Endurance checks are required, it is mentioned in the area description. Usually, though, the adventures are so short that these checks are not needed during the adventures.

Make checks as normally if relevant. Arcana, Dungeoneering, History, Nature and Religion 'the knowledge skills' Since there is no DM to make up fluff whenever you arbitrarily make a knowledge check, the use of these skills is somewhat limited. Detect magic Arcana : Area descriptions should include any identifiable auras, etc. A magical auras section in each area? Can be used only if the area description permits it, DC is included. Handle animal Nature : Most animals encountered are hostile. However, if the monster description permits it, handle animal can be used to calm down a natural beast.

DC is given in the description. DCs are included in the description, often paired with 'dialog options', a simplified version what you see in computer RPGs. You gain XP and loot and the monster is considered defeated. Other skills Streetwise: Can only be used in a settlement a village, etc. The skill is usable only in areas that specifically permit it. Heal: The Heal skill functions as normally, though First aid can only be used on your allies. If the area description permits it, you may be able to use Heal on NPCs.

Thievery: Disable trap, Open lock, Pick pocket and Sleight of hand can only be used where there are traps, locks, pockets and unattended objects, respectively. Seringkali letak tool-tool palette Adobe Photoshop sudah berubah dimodifikasi oleh pengguna sebelumnya. Untuk mengembalikan letak. Tutorial Photoshop — Pada kesempatan ini duniabaca. Seperti yang kita. Nonton Film Bioskop Online - Streaming gratis film bioskopkeren online terbaru high quality di IndoCinema21 Tempat nonton 1 film Layar kaca cinema 21 online di indonesia dan juga tersedia berbagai film - film internasional.

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